Judaism in Action, Chapter 1 (p. 4 to 60)

CHAPTER ONE

EVIDENCE AS TO ORIGIN AND AUTHENTICITY

I. PARALLELISM BETWEEN THE ACTUAL POLICIES OF

THE BOLSHEVIKI AND THE PROTOCOLS

The most striking fact in connection with the Protocols is the close resemblance which their ruthless program bears in many respects to the policies actually put into effect by the Bolsheviki in Russia. Indeed, without this fact before us, the necessity for a serious consideration of the Protocols would be much less apparent. If the evidence shows that the Balshevist movement is a movement conducted under Jewish leadership and principally controlled by Jews, and, furthermore, that it closely corresponds with the political program outlined in the Protocols, then, indeed, we have facts of grave significance supporting the authenticity of the Protocols.

1. JEWISH CHARACTER OF THE BOLSHEVIST

MOVEMENT IN RUSSIA

With regard to the question as to how far the Balshevist movement is a Jewish movement in the sense that it is under Jewish control, there is some disagreement. Certain prominent Jews in this country, while admitting that most of the Bolshevist leaders in Russia are Jews, claim that this is a mere coincidence, and claim further that the Bolshevist leaders are only apostate Jews who do not adhere to the Jewish religion.1

[ 1The Jewish sayings cited in this volume show that some of the great Jewish leaders maintain that the apostasy of a Jew in the matter of religion does not prevent him from remaining for all other purposes a Jew, or release him from his obligations as such.]

 

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The evidence, however, is not very convincing on either point, for on the one hand the proportion of Jews amongst the Bolshevist leaders in Russia is so large that it strongly tends to show that it is not accidental but must be otherwise explained, while on the other hand, asto the allegation of apostasy, this seems to be principally based upon evidence that the Jewish leaders in Russia are denouncing religion in general on the ground that it is the bulwark of the capitalistic system and the enemy of the Socialistic State, in accordance with the teachings of Karl Marx and his followers. Such evidence, however, does not prove very much if in practice only the Christian church is actually attacked,

It is important to note in this connection that Karl Marx himself was a Jew, as are also practically all of the best known leaders of radical socialism, such as Bebel, Bernstein, Lassalle, Hillquit, the brothers Adler (in Austria), etc. The legend now prominently displayed by the Bolsheviki in Russia, that “religion is the opium of the people,” was the saying of Karl Marx himself, while it was Bebel who said: “Christianity and Socialism stand towards each other as fire andwater.”

Moreover, there is evidence that there has been a marked persecution of Christian priests and their congregations by the Bolsheviki, and that the Jewish rabbis have not been molested. Generally speaking, we believe that the preponderance of evidence strongly tends to show that Bolshevism

 

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is Jewish in character in the sense that it is under the control principally of Jews who occupy, either openly or secretly, almost all of the positions of importance in the Soviet government in Russia. This was equally true in regard to the recent Spartacan and Bolshevist revolutions in Germany and Hungary. The one important exception is Lenin himself, Trotzky and almost all the other important Bolshevist leaders today being members of the Jewish race.1

Evidence that the Bolsheviki in Russia have conducted a campaign of persecution against the Christian religion, while protecting the Jewish religion, will be considered below under the heading, “The Destruction of Religion and Christianity.” For the present we shall confine ourselves to other evidence which tends to show that the Bolshevik movement in Russia is under Jewish leadership and may be regarded as primarily a Jewish movement.

(a) Testimony before the Overman Committee

The testimony of a number of reliable witnesses before the Overman Committee is to the effect that from the very beginning the leadership of the Bolshevist revolution in Russia has been principally Jewish and that the movement had powerful support from Jews returning [from the United States] to Russia in the spring of 1917.

This testimony was taken early in the year 1919 and is contained in the printed Senate Report (a public document) entitled “Bolshevik Propaganda – Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Sixty-fifth Congress, pursuant to S. Res. 439 and 469.”

[1 Editor’s note: See page 120 for evidence that Lenin also was a Jew.]

 

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Among the witnesses who testified as to the Jewish character of the Bolshevist movement before the Senate Committee was Dr. George A. Simons, a Methodist clergyman who had been for many years in charge of a church and other property belonging to the American Methodists in Petrograd. He was there during the Kerensky regime and during the Bolshevist regime until October 6, 1918.

Dr. Simons testified that “at the beginning ofthe so-called new regime (Kerensky’s) there was a disposition to glorify the Allies and to make a great deal of what the French Revolution had stood for; within from six to eight weeks there was an undercurrent just the opposite, and things began to loom up in a pro-German way.”1

He then told of the arrival of Lenin from Switzerland via Germany, and of Bronstein (alias Trotzky) from New York, and how they conducted a vigorous agitation in Russia while Kerensky was “running up and down the front.” He then goes on to testify as follows:

Mr. Simons. “Kerensky was spending a good deal of his time running up and down the front, trying to hearten the Russian soldiers in their warfare, and he was generally accredited with being a fine orator and doing splendid work, and I do not doubt but what he did manage to keep the men longer than they otherwise would have stayed in, but we were told there were hundreds of agitators

[1 “Bolshevik Propaganda,Hearings before a Subcommittee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Sixty-fifth Congress.” p. 111.]

 

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who had followed in the trail of Trotzky-Bronstein, these men having come over from the lower East Side of New York. I was surprised to find scores of such men walking up and down Nevsky. Some of them, when they learned that I was the American pastor in Petrograd, stepped up to me and seemed very much pleased that there was somebody who could speak English, and their broken English showed that they had not qualified as being real Americans; and a number of these men called on me, and a number of us were impressed with the strange Yiddish element in this thing right from the start, and it soon became evident that more than half of the agitators in the so-called Bolshevik movement were Yiddish.”

Senator Nelson, “Hebrews?”

Mr. Simons. “They were Hebrews, apostate Jews. I do not want to say anything against the Jews, as such. I am not in sympathy with the anti-Semitic movement, never have been, and do not ever expect to be. I am against it. I abhor all pograms of whatever kind. But I have a firm conviction that this thing is Yiddish, arid that one of its bases is found in the East Side of New York.”

Senator Nelson, “Trotzky came over from New York during that summer, did he not?”

Mr. Simons, “He did.”

Senator Overman. “You think he brought these people with him?”

Mr. Simons, “I am not able to say that he brought them with him. I think that most of them came after him, but that he was responsible for their coming.”

Mr. Simons further states (Senate Report, 114, p. 114):

 

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The latest startling information, given me by some one who says that there is good authority for it – and I am to be given the exact figures later on and have them checked up properly by the proper authorities – is this, that in December, 1918, in the northern community of Petrograd, so-called – that is what they call that section of the Soviet regime under the presidency of the man known as Mr. Apfelbaum – out of 388 members, only 16 happened to be real Russians, and all the rest Jews, with the exception possibly of one man, who is a negro from America, who calls himself Prof. Gordon, and 265 of the members of this northern commune government, that is sitting in the old Smolny Institute, came from the lower East Side of New York – 265 of them ... In fact, I am very much impressed with this, that moving around here I find that certain Bolsheviki propagandists are nearly all Jews – apostate Jews, I have been in the so-called People’s House, at 7 East Fifteenth Street, New York, which calls itself also the Rand School of Social Science, and I have visited that at least six times during the last eleven weeks or so, buying their literature, and some of the most seditious stuff I have ever found against our own Government, and 19 out of every 20 people I have seen there have been Jews.”

On the same page, referring to a pamphlet written by one Albert Rhys Williams, Dr. Simons states:

I have analyzed certain questions and answers, especially with regard to

 

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this paragraph on religion, and I have no doubt in my mind that the predominant element in this Bolsbeviki movement in America is, you may call it, the Yiddish of the East Side.”

On page 116 the witness further states:

I was impressed with this, Senator, that shortly after the great revolution of the winter of 1917 there were scores of Jews standing on the benches and soap boxes, and what not, talking until their mouths frothed, and I often remarked to my sister, ‘Well, what are we coming to, anyway? This all looks so Yiddish,’ Up to that time we had very few Jews, because there was, as you may know, a restriction against having Jews in Petrograd; but after the revolution they swarmed in there, and most of the agitators happened to be Jews. I do not want to be unfair to them, but I usually know a Jew when I see one.”

In a subsequent part of his testimony, he says:

I had occasion to speak with people who were working and people who were not bourgeois, I interviewed hundreds, and I asked them, ‘Well, what do you think of this thing?’ ‘Well, we know that it is first of all German, and second, we know that it is Jewish [i.e., Jews from Germany]. It is not a Russian proposition at all.’ That became so popular that as you moved through the streets in Petrograd in July and August and September and the beginning of October, openly they would tell you this, ‘This is not a Russian Government; this is a German and .Hebrew Government.’ And

 

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then others would come and say, ‘And very soon there is going to be a big pogrom.1 As a result of that, hundreds of Bolshevik officials who happened to be Jews were sending their wives and their children out of Petrograd and Moscow, afraid that the pogrom would really come.” (p. 132).

On page 142 of his testimony Dr. Simons introduced a list of names, which he said was widely circulated in Petrograd in August, 1917, giving the real names and the Jewish names of the most important Bolshevist leaders. This list is as follows:

Real name

“1. Chernoff ................................ Von Gutmann

2. Trotzky ................................... Bronstein

3. Martoff ................................... Zederbaum

4. Kamkoff ................................. Katz

5. Meshkoff ................................ Galdenberg

6. Zagorsky ................................ Krochmal

7. Suchanoff .............................. Gimmer

8. Dan ........................................ Gurvitch

9. Parvuss .................................. Geldfand

10. Kradek ................................. Sabelson

11. Zinovyeff .............................. Apfelbaum

12. Stekloff ................................ Nachamkes

13. Larin .................................... Lurye

14. Ryazanoff ............................ Goldenbach

15. Bogdanoff ............................ Josse

16. Goryeff ................................. Goldmann

17. Zwezdin ............................... Wanstein

18. Lieber .................................. Goldmann

19. Ganezky .............................. Furstenberg

20. Roshal ................................. Solomon”

Dr. Simons also testified that when the Bolsheviki came into power – the Yiddish language at once became predominant in official proclamations and posters, He says:

 

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I might mention this, that when the Bolsheviki came into power, all over Petrograd we at once had a predominance of Yiddish proclamations, big posters, and everything in Yiddish. It became very evident that now that was to be one of the great languages of Russia; and the real Russians, of course, did not take very kindly to it.”

On page 135 Dr. Simons states:

Trotzky is a Jew. His real name is Leon Bronstein.”

Testimony of Mr. William Chapin Huntington

Mr. Huntington was Commercial Attaché of the United States Embassy at Petrograd from June, 1916, until September, 1918. He was in Petrograd at the outbreak of the Bolshevist coup d’etat in November, 1917, and remained there until February, 1918, when hewas sent on a mission to Siberia by Ambassador Francis. When he returned to Russia he remained in Moscow from May, 1918, until August 26, 1918, He states on page 47:

The Bolsheviks are internationalists, and they were not interested in the particular national ideals of Russia.”

On page 69 he testified:

The leaders of the movement, I should say, are about two-thirds Russian Jews and perhaps one-sixth or more of some of the other nationalities, like the Letts, or the Armenians.”

[1 Ambassador Francis, in his testimony before the Overman Committee, stated that Dr. George A. Simons is an absolutely reliable and trustworthy man (p. 977), and that the same is true of Mr. Roger E. Simmons, whose testimony is cited below.

 

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Testimony of Mr. William W. Welsh

Mr. Welsh was employed by the National City Bank and was in Russia from October, 1916, until September, 1918, He states on page 269:

In Russia it is well known that three-fourths of the Bolshevik leaders are Jewish.

In regard to the men who went to Russia from the East Side of New York, at the outbreak of the revolution, he stated:

Therewere some – not many, but there were some – real Russians; and what I mean by real Russians is Russian-born, and not Russiarn Jews.”

The witness also stated that he knew “several cases” in which well-to-do Jews had been persecuted in the same way as other Russian bourgeois. On page 270 he states:

Bolshevism cannot be explained along racial lines alone. The Bolsheviks are made up of the very worst elements of many races. It is important, however, that Jews in this country should not favor Bolshevism because of any liberties or privileges which they map think are being accorded to the Jews in Russia by the Bolsheviks. They should study the facts carefully and not be prejudiced by any racial feeling, or they are sure to bring

 

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the odium of Bolshevism unjustly to the door of the Jew. The best Jews in this country would do well to brand the Jewish Bolsheviks in Russia as anti-Jews, which they really are, for they bring nothing but discredit to the Jewish race.”

Testimony of Roger E. Simmons

Mr. Simmons was Trade Commissioner, connected with the United State Department of Commerce, who was in Siberia and Russia from July, 1917, until November, 1918. He was in Volagda in July, 1918, and gives a graphic account of his imprisonment there by the assistant of the commissar of that community, a man named Iduke. He says:

Iduke is a Lettish Jew, a man of a very irascible nature, and, on account of his experience in the uprising in Yaroslav, where the protest against the Bolshevik regime had become formidable, he had the reputation of being the cruelest arid the most bloodthirsty Bolshevik leader of the revolution.”

Mr. Simmoms then narrates how he himself escaped execution only because he succeeded in bribing a Lettish soldier who had been in America to deliver a letter to the Swedish Consul General. An English subject who was imprisoned with him in the same cell was actually executed. Shortly before his death this Englishman said to Simmons:

I do not like the situation. I don’t understand these people. They are not Russians. I don’t know why they accuse me, nor what they are going to do with me.”1

[1 “Bolshevik Propaganda.” p. 310.]

 

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Testimony of an Anonymous Witness

Another witness, who was allowed to withhold his name, testified before the Senate Committee that he left Petrograd November 6, 1917, the night the Bolshevist uprising took place. His testimony on page 321 of the Senate Report is as follows:

With regard to the industrial conditions before the Bolsheviki rising started, with the revolution of March, 1917, we found that there were quite a number of so-called Americans who had returned to Russia almost immediately after the revolution, commencing, probably, to arrive in April of 1917.”

Senator Nelson. “What sort of people were they? They were people who had been here, were they not?”

Mr. xx. “People who had been in this country?”

Senator Nelson. “Were they Hebrews?”

Mr. xx. “A large number of them were – that is Hebrew by race, non-Slavs – and we were continually meeting these men on all sorts of labor conditions, (committees?) to regulate the hours of labor, and the rates of remuneratiori, and quite a number of them spqke English.”

Testimony of Theodor Kryshtofovich

This witness testified that he left Petrograd on December 15, 1918, and that he had been there continuously for the

 

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three years previous to that date; that he belonged to no political party in Russia, but had lived among the peasants and workmen, teaching them agriculture. He at one time had been employed by the Russian Department of Agriculture, as an agent, in the United States.

On page 424 he testified in regard to the Jewish aspect of the movement as follows:

And, besides these refugees, most of the people that are governing Russia now are Jews. I am not against Jews in general. They are a very capable and energetic people, but, as you Americans say, the right man must be in the right place. Their place is in the commission houses, in banks, in the offices, but not in the government of a fine agricultural country. They do not understand anything about agriculture, about production, about keeping materials, and about distribution. They do not know anything about those things at all.”

Senator Wolcott, “You mean those that are in charge of the Bolsheviki, do you not?”

Mr. Kryshtofovich. “I am talking about the Bolsheviki; because if you take out Bolshevik government, Lenine is a Russian and all these constellations that are turning around this sun are Jews. They have changed their names. For instance, Trotzky is not Trotzky, but Bronstein. We have Apfelbaum, and so on, and so on.”

(b) Other Evidence

It is important that the other official documents pertaining to the Bolshevist activities in Russia also refer to the question

 

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which we are now discussing, namely, the Jewish character of the Bolshevist regime. In this connection we quote, from the British White Book, Russia No. 1 (1919), entitled “A Collection of Reports on Bolshevism in Russia, Presented to Parliament by Command of His Majesty. April, 1919.”

This document was published in London at the government printing office in 1919. In exhibit No. 33, a cablegram: dispatched by Mr. Alston to Earl Curzon, from Vladivostok to London, February 8, 1919 (“telegraphic – following from consul at Ekaterinburg, 6th February”), the following is stated:

From examination of several labourer arid peasant witnesses, I have evidence to the effect that very smallest percentage of this district were pro-Bolshevik, majority of labourers sympathising with summoning of Constituent Assembly. Witnesses further stated that Bolshevik leaders did not represent Russian working classes, most of them being Jews” (page 33).

In a cable dispatch from General Knox to the British War Office on February 5, 1919, from Omsk, Siberia, details are given as to the murder of the Imperial Russian family. This cable reads in part as follows:

With regard to the murder of the Imperial family at Ekaterinburg, there is further evidence to show that there were two parties in the local Soviet, one which was anxious to save Imperial family, and the latter, headed by five Jews, two of whom were determined to have them murdered. These two Jews, by name Vainen and Safarof, went with Lenine when he made a journey across Germany” (page 41).

Again, in a report made by Rev. B.S. Lombard to Earl Curzon on March 23, 1919.

 

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referring to the results of the Bolshevist regime in Russia, among other things, the following is stated:

All business became paralyzed, shops were closed, Jews became possessors of most of the business houses, and horrible scenes of starvation became common in the country districts. The peasants put their children to death rather than see them starve. In a village on the Dvina, not far from Schlusselburg, a mother hanged three of her children” (page 57).

Mr. Henry C. Emery, formerly Chairman of the United States Tariff Board, recently wrote a treatise on Bolshevism, of which Lord Bryce has said:

It seems to me the sanest and clearest exposition of Bolshevist theory and practice that I have seen and confirms my view that between them and us there can be no peace.”

Mr. Emery comes to the conclusion that Bolshevism is the promotion of a ruthless and universal class war, andthat “a Bolshevik is a man who believes in the overthrow of the institution of private property by force of arms.” While this is the definition which he gives of Bolshevism as a movement, and his argument in support of it is certainly a very able one, it is interesting to note what he says in regard to the Jewish support of the movement:

In the minds of some people, especially in Russia, Bolshevism takes on the color of a revolt of the Jews against the Russians, who have so long kept them in subjection. Lenin is of course a pure Russian, and it is a mistake to say that

 

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all the other leaders of importance are Jews. On the other hand, the Jews have been active In the movement out of all proportion to their relative numbers. No one who ever made a visit to Smolny Iristitute, when that was the headquarters of the Bolshevik government at Petrograd, could understand how easy it was to get the impression that the Jews had at last seized the povner.”

Mr. Robert Wilton, a well-known Englishman, who was the Petrograd correspondent of the London Times, anda Knight of St. George, in his book entitled Russia’s Agony, refers to the part which the Jews played in undermining the Kerensky government and establishing the Bolshevist rule:

Subversion had been carried out by a handful of pseudo-Jew Extremists in the Soviet, but the Soviet was a party to the traitorous business. Most of the leaders – especially the pseudo-Jews – were a truculent pack, cowering behind the soldiery, intent upon realizing their revolutionary “ideals,” but terrified by a possibility of failure and eventual reprisals.”

The author also states:

Afterwards their numbers (referring to the Jew Extremists in the Soviet) increased largely, and although they studiously concealed their identity under assumed Russian or Polish names, it became known that the principal ones were: Nahamkez – Steklov, Apfelbaum – Zinoviev, Rosenfeldt – Kamenev, Goldmann – Gorev, Goldberg – Mekowski, Zederbaum – Martov, Himmer – Sukhanov, Krachman – Zagorski,

 

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Hollander – Tlieshkovnski, Louier – Larim, Seffer – Bogdanov, Among the leaders of this gang – under Lenin – were Trotzky, whose real name was Bronstein, and Feldmann, alias Chernov.” 1

[1 Russia’s Agony, pp. 137,138, published by Edward Arnold, London, 1918.]

In the well-known French. periodical L’IIIustration, issued September 14, 1918, an article appeared under the title “Petrograd under the Commune,” from which we reproduce the following extract;

The Masters of the Hour.

The Bolshevist Movement and the Jews of Russia

When one lives in contact with the functionaries who are serving the Bolshevist government, one feature strikes the attention, which is that almost all of them are Jews.

I am not at all anti-Semitic but I must state what strikes the eyes: everywhere in Petrograd, in Moscow, in Provincial Districts, in all commissariats, in district offices, in Smolny, in the former ministries, in the Soviets, I have met nothing but Jews and again Jews.

 

A Jew is this District Commissary, former stock broker, with a double bourgeois chin. A Jew is this commissary of the bank, very elegant, with a cravat of the latest style, and a fancy waistcoat. Again a Jew, this inspector of taxes, with his hooked nose: he understands perfectly how to squeeze the bourgeois in order to cover the deficit in the Bolshevist budget which amounts for the first half year, 1918, to 14,000,000,000 rubles! Jewish are these little stenographers, these secretaries; the same hooked noses, the same jet black hair.

 

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The more one studies the second revolution the more one is convinced that Bolshevism is a Jewish movement whichcan be explained by the special conditions in which the Jewish people were placed in Russia.”

In the London Times of March 29, 1919, the following article appeared, entitled; “Bolshevist Portraits III. Some Commissaries”:

One of the most curious features of the Bolshevist movement is the high percentage of non-Russian elements amongst its leaders. Of the twenty or thirty commissaries or leaders who provide the central machinery of the Bolshevist movement not less than 75% are Jews ....

If Lenin is the brains of the movement, the Jews provide the executive officers. Of the leading commissaries, Trotzky, Zinoviev, Kameneff, Stekloff, Sverdloff, Uritsky, Joffe, Rakovsky, Radek, Menjinsky, Larin, Bronski., Zaalkind, Volodarsky, Petroff, Litvinoff, Smirdovitch, and Vovrovsky are all of the Jewish race, while amongst the minor Soviet officials the number is legion. Of all the Bolshevist leaders Petrovsky, the Commissary for the Interior, and a former member of the Duma, is practically the only one who in any way could be described as a working man. The rest are all intellectuals of bourgeois orpaid bourgeois origin.”

In the issue of “ASIA” February-March, 1920, there is an article entitled “Inside Soviet Russia.” The author of the said article, Mr. V. Anichkoff, is a well-known Russian scientist. Among other things, he states as follows:

 

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In all the Bolshevist institutions the heads are Jews. The Assistant Commissar for Elementary Education, Grunberg, can hardly speak Russian. The Jews are successful in everything and obtain their ends. They know how to command and get complete submission. But they are proud and contemptuous to everyone, which strongly excites the people against them. Anti-Semitism in a strong degree has spread in all grades of the people. The people are inclined to see in the Jews the culprits of their woes. They look on Bolshevism as a Jewish affair, and Anti-Semitism is widely spread in the Red army. The Red soldiers openly and strongly express their hatred of the Jews. One Red soldier related before me that he was discharged, and that at all the hospitals and halting stages the doctors and their assistants and nurses were Jews; that a Jewish doctor snatched the cross from one of his comrades and said: ‘That is not wanted now, it has been done away with,’ but he did not let the doctor do the same to him. At the present time there is a great national religious fervor amongst the Jews. They believe that the promised time of the rule of God’s elect on earth is coming. They have connected Judaism with a universal revolution. They see in the spread of revolution the fulfilling of the Scriptures: ‘Though I make an end of all the nations, whether I have scattered thee, yet will I not make an end of thee.’ Bound up with the overwhelming part taken by the Jews in the Revolution, an interest in Masonry, Zionism and the mission of the Jews have spread among educated Russians.” (“ASIA”, February- March, 1920, p. 223).

We also refer the reader to the testimony of a well-known Jewish periodical published

 

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in London, The Jewish Chronicle, as to the identity of Bolshevism and Judaism. In part the article states as follows:

There is much in the fact of Bolshevism itself, in the fact that so many Jews are Bolsheviks, in the fact that the ideals of Bolshevism at many points are consonant with the finest ideals of Judaism.” (See Jewish Chronicle, No. 2609, April 4, 1919, p. 7, article entitled “Peace, War, and Bolshevism.”)

It is significant that one of the well-known Jewish leaders, Israel Zangwell, addressing a recent conference of the Paole Zion Congregation in London, glorified “the race which has produced a Beaconsfield, a Reading, a Montagu, a Klotz, a Kurt Eisner, a Trotzky” (quoted from The Jewish Chronicle, February 27, 1920, No. 2656, p. 28). Referring to thisstatement, La Vieille-France says, “Thus, Trotzky is, in fact, the hero of Judaiam” (No. 164, March I8-24, 1920).

It is important to note the Jewish character of the Bolshevist movement which is so accentuated in Soviet Russia was equally apparent in Soviet Hungary when that country was under the Red rule of Bela Cohen (Kuhn). Mr. Edward Dillon in his book “The Inside Story of the Peace Conference,” devotes much attention to this subject. Referring to the situation in Hungary, Mr. Dillon states as follows, at page 224.

By the first of August the lawless band that was ruling the country relinquished the reins of power which were taken over at first by a Socialist Cabinet of which an influential French press organ wrote: ‘The names of the: new .... commissaries

 

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of the people tell us nothing, because their bearers are unknown. But the endings of their names tell us that most of them are, like those of the preceding government, of Jewish origin. Never since the inauguration of official Communism did Budapest better deserve the appellation of Judapest, which was assigned to it by the late M. Lueger, chief of the Christian Socialists of Vienna. That is an additional trait in common with the Russian Soviets’.”

In this same connection the weekly magazine The New Witness, published in London, in its issue of April 11, 1919, remarked as follows:

It is not only among the Allies that the Jewish influence is making itself felt. We know what a tight grip they have on the governments at Petrograd and Berlin. It now appears that the new government of Hungary is dominated by Jews. Ninety-five per cent of Hungarians and eighty per cent of the ministers are Hebrew. This fact becomes the more remarkable when we are told that the ministers are nearly all mediocrities.”

The Jewish character of the Bolshevist movement in Russia has been explicitly referred to in the Bolshevist press itself. In substantiation of this we present the following evidence:

In No. 1 of the Russian weekly newspaper, On to Moscow, published on September 23, 1919, in Rostov on the Don, an article was published, entitled “Not One Drop of Innocent Blood.” The article reads as follows:

 

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In the newspaper ‘Communist,’ issued on April 12, 1919, No. 72, which paper was published in the city of Kharkoff, 13 Karl Liebnecht Street, telephone No. 8-40, Mr. M. Cohen, in his article ‘Services of the Jewry to the Working Class,’ wrote as follows:

Various-kinds of reactionary regimental organizations and radas are workingout agrarian ‘laws,’ are giving away the land to the workmen, are establishing an eight-hour day, and throwing out other. crumbs to the working masses with the sole object to remain in power. But let us unmask them and let us see what there is behind this servile mask. Let us, for instance, analyze their attitude towards the Jews. On all the territory which is occupied by the Don, Kuban and Voluntary gangs, the Jews are being annihilated and oppressed. One is unable to trace a Jew holding any office, be it important or unimportant, and this is called ‘equality and fraternity.’ The Voluntary executioners scream about their humanitarianism and at the same time they oppress a whole nation which always had esteem of the whole world. It should not be forgotten that the Jewish people, who for centuries were oppressed by kings and czars, are the real proletariat, the real international, which has no country.

Without exaggeration, It may be said that the great Russian social revolution was indeed accomplished by the hands of the Jews. Would the dark oppressed masses of the Russian workmen and peasants have been able to throw off the yoke of the bourgeoisie by themselves? No, it was precisely the Jews who led the Russian proletariat to the dawn of the Internationale, and not only have led, but are also now leading the Soviet cause which remains in

 

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their safe hands. We may be quiet as long as the chief command of the Red Army is in the hands of comrade Leon Trotzky. It is true that there are no Jews in the ranks of the Red Army as far as privates are concerned, but in the committees and in Soviet organizations, as commissars, the Jews are gallantly leading the masses of the Russian proletariat to victory. It is not without reason that during the elections to all Soviet institutions the Jews are winning by an overwhelming majority. It is not without reason, let us repeat, that the Russian proletariat has elected as its head and leader the Jew comrade Bronstein-Trotzky. The symbol of Jewry, which for centuries has struggled against capitalism,has become also the symbol of the Russian proletariat, which can be seen even in the fact of the adoption of the Red five-pointed star, which in former times, as it is well-known, was the symbol of Zionism and Jewry. With this sign comes victory, with this sign comes the death of the parasites of the bourgeoisie, and let the supporters of Denikine, Krasnov and Kolchak tremble, these oppressors and executioners of the advance guard of Socialism – of the gallant Jewish people. Their servility before the working masses will not help them, and Jewish tears will come out of them in sweat of drops of blood.”

The publishers of the newspaper “On to Moscow” print a footnote to the article of Mr. Cohen which reads:

The issue of the newspaper ‘Communist’ is kept at the office and everybody is invited to ascertain its authenticity.”

 

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2. Parallelism between Protocols and Bolshevist Policies

(a) The Policy of Terror

It will be recalled that the Protocols advocate a mass terror, a “program of violence.” In this connection also the actual Bolshevist policies are in complete harmony with the program of the Protocols. With reference to this point it becomes important to quote the Krasnaya Gazeta Red Gazette), the official organ of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers’, Red Army, and Peasants’ Deputies, which body is presided over by Zinovieff, alias Apfelbaum, a Jew. On August 31,1918, in an editorial article, the following is stated:

The interests of the revolution require the physical annihilation of the bourgeois class. It is time for us to start.”

More explicitly the program of violence is defined by the same paper on September 1, 1918, in an article entitled “Blood for Blood,” Therein it is stated:

We will turn our hearts into steel, which we will temper in the fire of suffering and the blood of fighters for freedom. We will make our hearts cruel, hard, and immovable, so that no mercy will enter them, and so that they will not quiver at the sight of a sea of enemy blood. We will let loose the floodgates of that sea. Without mercy, without sparing, we will kill our enemies in scores of hundreds. Let them be thousands; let them drown themselves in

 

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their own blood. For the blood of Lenin and Uritzki, Zinovieff and Volodarski, let there be floods of blood of the bourgeois – more blood, as much as possible.”

Mr. Zinovieff – Apfelbaum went into further details as to the number of Russians whom he proposed to kill for the sake of Mr. Trotzky’s regime. In a speech of Zinovieff’s reported in the Northern Commune, published in Petrograd on September 19, 1918, No. 109, the following plain statement is quoted:

To overcome our enemies we must have our own socialist militarism. We must win over to our side 90,000,000 of the 100,000,000 of population of Russia under the Soviets. As for the rest, we have nothing to say to them; they must be annihilated.”

To be sure that the Jewish Bolsheviks were not boasting, the following report of the American Consul General at Moscow, dated September 3, 1918, is of the utmost significance. This report, which was published in the “Memorandum on Certain Aspects of the Bolshevist Movement in Russia,” Washington, Government Printing Office, 1919, reads in part as follows:

Since May the so-called Extraordinary Commission to Combat Counter- revolution has conducted an openly avowed campaign of terror. Thousands of persons have been summarily shot without even the form of a trial. Many of them have no doubt been innocent of even the political views which were supposed to supply the motives of their execution.”

 

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The American Consul General concludes his report by stating:

The situation cries aloud to all who will act for the sake of humanity.”1

Trotzky made an attempt to justify “mass terror” in an article signed by him in the official daily newspaper Izvestia on January l0, 1919, under the title “Military Specialists and the RedArmy!” In this article Trotzky states among other things as follows:

Terror as the demonstration of the will and strength of the working class, is historically justified, precisely because the proletariat was able thereby to break the political will of the Intelligentsia, pacify the professional men of various categories and work and gradually subordinate them to its own aims within the fields of their specialties.”2

The London Times, of November 14, 1919, printed a letter “sent by a British Officer in South Russia to his wife” stating that “the letter is published exactly as sent, except that names and dates have been altered, so that the writer and his wife will not be embarrassed.” The officer appeals to his wife to do all she can to put before the British public the information which he gives her as to the atrocities committed by the Bolsheviki which he had himself witnessed while fighting with the army of General Denikin.

1 “Memorandum on Certain Aspects: of the Bolshevist Movement in Russia,” p. 11. Compiled by the U. S. States Department in October, 1919.

2 Page 12 of the same memorandum.

 

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The Bolshevists are devils.... I hope to send you copies of 64 official photos taken by British officers at Odessa when the town was retaken from the Bolsevists. ... As no paper will print them I suggest that you should have copies done. If we’re too hard up you could pay for them by sending me no parcels, or selling my Caucasian dagger, or Persian book, or something. And I suggest that you should then do with them as you think fit, to make them most widely known. Their horror may make people realize. They must realize. By God, they shall realize! They show men who’ve been crucified with the torture of the ‘human glove.’ The victim gets crucified, nails through his elbows. The hands are treated with a solution which shrivels the skin. The skin is cut out with a razor, round the wrist, and peeled off, till it hangs by the finger nails – the ‘human glove’. I’m not sparing you. I hope you’ll show and send them to everybody we know. People at home, apathetic fools they are, do not deserve to be spared. They must be woken up. John and Katie ought to see them. Most of the photos are of women. Women with their breasts cut off to the bone.... Two little bits, ref. Bolshevist atrocities, you might type in as many copies as you can. If you and several others left them in different tea-shops every afternoon, it might touch quite a lot of people. I shall send you chapter and verse if I can. If I haven’t sent chapter and verse in a month, do your best without. Papers are no good, because papers would put it more delicately. We have here at H.Q. passes issued to Bolshevists by commissaries on occupying Ekaterinodar. These passes authorize their holders to arrest any girl they

 

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fancy for the use of the soldiery. Sixty-two girls of all classes were arrested like this and thrown to the Bolshevist troops. Those who struggled were killed quite early on. The rest, when used and finished, were mutilated and thrown, dead and dying, into the two small rivers flowing through Ekaterinodar. In all towns occupied by Bolshevists and reoccupied ‘slaughterhouses’ are found choked with corpses. Hundreds of ‘suspects,’ men, women, and children, were herded in these – doors and windows manned and the struggling mass fired into until most of them were dead or dying. The doors were then locked and they were left. The stench in these places, I am told, is hair-raising. These ‘slaughterhouses’ are veritable plague spots and have caused widespread epidemics. I want you to prosetylize Robinson and galvanize the Colonel and everybody else you can get hold of. I’d like James to see this and No. 47 and Dorothy. Above all the Mater, For I feel sure, that whatever happens, she and you will be glad that I’ve come out.”

(“The Horrors of Bolshevism,” reprinted from The Times, November 14, 1919, pp. 5 and 6.)

In the same letter the writer refers to the Bolshevist plans of extending their power to Asia and Africa, and discusses the part played by the Jews in the Bolshevist regime in Russia.

... Bolshevist Russia is a channel of communication to the Committee of Union and Progress, to Egypt, India, and Afghanistan. Unless beaten by us, the Bolshies will beat us. It’s a side issue for the present, but the danger of their rousing and letting loose the Chinese is not so

 

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very remote. They have declared war on Christianity. The Bible to them is a ‘counter-revolutionary’ book, and to be stamped out. They are aiming at raising all non-Christian races against the Christian countries. The Bolshevists form about 5 per cent, of the population of Russia – Jews (80 to 90 per cent, of the commissaries are Jews), Chinese, Letts, Germans, and certain of the ‘skilled labor’ artisans. The conscribed peasantry, originally captured by the catchwords mentioned in the pamphlets, now often goaded beyond endurance, is rising against them over wide districts. Still conscribed and put up to fight, under severe penalties, they form most of the ‘cannon fodder’ used by the Bolshies. They desert, often en masse, and many a peasant who marched for the Bolshevists last week is fighting for Denikin in the Volunteer Army to-day. Ref. Jews – In towns captured, by Bolshevists the only unviolated sacred buildings are the synagogues, while churches are used for anything, from movie-shows to ‘slaughterhouses’. The Poles, Galicians, and Petlura have committed ‘pogroms’ (massacres of Jews). Not the Russian Volunteer Armies under Denikin. Denilcin has, in fact, been so strict in protecting the Jews that he has been accused by his sympathizers of favoring them. If, however, a Commissary, steeped in murder, with torture and rape, with mutilations, happens to be a Jew, as most of them are, should he receive exceptional treatment?” (“The Horrors of Bolshevism,” p. 5.)

The London Times of December 3, 1919, published the statement of an eye witness of the “reign of torture” under the Bolsheviki at the time of the first capture

 

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of Odessa. The witness is the Rev. R. Courtier-Forster, late British Chaplain at Odessa and the Russian Ports of the Black Sea. Space permits the reprint here of only the following passages from this important testimony as to one chapter of the Bolshevist terror:

While I was still British chaplain of Odessa the city was deluged with blood. When the Bolshevist elements, grafting on to their main support the 4,000 criminals released from the city gaols, attempted to seize the town, people of education, regardless of social position, offered what armed resistance was in their power. Workmen, shop assistants, soldiers, professional men, and a handful of officers fought for freedom and liberty through the streets of the great port for three days and nights against the bloody despotism of the Bolshevists. Tramcars were overturned to make barricades, trenches dug in the streets machine-guns placed in the upper windows of houses to move the thoroughfare with fire. The place became an inferno. The Balshevists were victorious. On capturing Odessa Railway Station, which had been defended by a few officers and a number of anti-Bolshevist soldiers, the Bolshevists bayoneted to death the 19 wounded and helpless men laid on the waiting-room floor to await Red Cross succour.

Scores of other men who fell wounded in the streets also became victims to the triumphant Bolshevist criminals. The majority of these wretched and unhappy sufferers completely disappeared. Inquiries at the hospitals and prisons revealed the fact that they were not there, and no trace of them was to be found. A fortnight later there was a terrible

 

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storm on the Black Sea, and thebodies of the missing men were washed up on the rocks of Odessa breakwater and along the shore; they had been taken out to sea in small boats, stones tied to their feet, and then been dropped over alive into deep water. Hundreds of others were captured and taken on board the Almaz and the Sinope, the largest cruiser of the Black Sea Fleet. Here they became victims of unthinkable tortures.

On the Sinope, General Chormichoff and some other personal friends of my own were fastened one by one with iron chains to planks of wood and pushed slowly, inch by inch, into the ship’s furnaces and roasted alive. Others were tied to winches, the winches turned until the men were torn in two alive. Others were taken to the boilers and scalded with boil-steam; they were then moved to another part of the ship and ventilating fans set revolving that currents of cold air might blow on the scalds and increase the agony of the torture. The full names of 17 of the Sinope victims were given me in writing by members of their families or their personal friends. These were lost later when my rooms were raided, my papers seized, and I myself arrested and thrown into prison.

The house in the Catherine Square in which I was first in captivity afterwards became the Bolshevists’ House of Torture in which hundreds of victims were done to death. The shrieks of the people being tortured to death or having splinters of wood driven under the quick of their nails were so agonizing and appalling that personal friends of my own living more than a hundred yards away in the Vorontsoffsky Pereulok were obliged to fasten their double windows to prevent the cries of

 

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anguish penetrating into the house. The horror and fear of the surviving citizens was so great that the Bolshevists kept motor lorries thundering up and down the street to drown the awful screams of agony wrung from their dying victims.

This House of Torture remains as much as possible in the condition in which the Bolshevists left it and is now shown to those who care to inspect its gruesome and blood-bespattered rooms.

Week by week the newspapers published articles for and against the nationalization of women. In South Russia the proposal did not become a legal measure, but in Odessa bands of Bolshevists seized women and girls and carried them off to the Port, the timber yards, and the Alexandrovsky Park for their own purposes. Women used in this way were found in the mornings either dead or mad or in a dying condition. Those found still alive were shot. One of the most awful of my own personal experiences of the New Civilization was hearing at night from my bedroom windows the frantic shrieks of women being raped to death in the park opposite. Screams of shrill terror and despair repeated at intervals until they became nothing but hoarse cries of agony like the death calls of a dying animal. This happened not once, or twice, but many times. Never to the day of my death shall I forget the horror of those dreadful shrieks of tortured women, and one’s own utter powerlessness to aid the victims or punish the Bolshevist devils in their bestial orgies.”

(“Bolshevism, Reign of Torture at Odessa.” by the Rev. R. Courtier-Forster, late British Chaplainat Odessa and the Russian Ports of the Black Sea. Reprinted from The Times, December 3, 1919, pp. 2, 3 and 4.)

 

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The Protocols speak of concealed executions as well as of open violence when making use of the weapons of terrorism to secure political domination. The Bolsheviki closely paralleled the Protocols in this respect.

While it is true that the number of victims of outright execution by shooting, drowning, etc., have run into very large figures, they are undoubtedly few in comparison with the number who have been deliberately starved by the Bolsheviki. In pursuance of their avowed policy of exterminating the bourgeois class the Soviet government divided the people into four categories with respect to the receipt of food, the bourgeoisie being placed in the last categories as to which the allowance of food was insufficient to support life. A report by “Mr. E.” found in the British White Book, “Russia No. 1” (1919), relating to the conditions in February, 1919, shows that the last two categories have been done away with altogether. The report states that the Bolsheviki have published statistics “showing that the fourth category was not necessary, as there were so few members.” “This proves,” he says, “that the 4th category people have either been exterminated or have been forced to work under the Bolsheviks in order to live.” The same witness states that the amount of food given to the first category was constantly varying according to the supplies. The rations allowed the four categories in October, 1918, are shown by the Bolshevist paper Vooruzheny Narod (The Armed People):

The Commissary of Food of the Petrograd Labor Commune states that on Friday, Saturday, Sunday and Monday, for four

 

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days, the following products will be given on the presentation of the bread cards, according to category:

1st category .......... 1 Lb. (Russian) of bread &

3 Lbs. of potatoes

2nd category ......... ½ Lb. of bread &

2 Lbs. of potatoes

3rd category .......... 1/4 Lb. of bread and

1 Lb. of potatoes

4th category .......... No bread &

½ Lb. of potatoes” 1

Many witnesses have referred to the cruelty of this category system. 0f course, these rations are quite insufficient to support life, and as the bourgeois classes were not only placed in these categories, but were also persecuted and prevented from getting employment in many cases, it is not surprising that hundreds of thousands of them were exterminated by these measures.

As to the question of how the Jewish element in the population came out on the question of food as compared with the Christian element there is little evidence at hand, but we may refer to one statement in a memorandum of a Mr. B. contained in the British White Book, “Russia No. 1 (1919)”, as follows:

At the Putilof Works anti-Semitism is growing, probably because the food supply committees are entirely in the hands of Jews – and voices can be heard sometimes calling for a ‘pogrom.’ 2

Wholesale starvation in Russian cities is one of the most striking features of:

1 British White Book, Russia No. 1, (1919), p. 86.

2 Ibid. p. 68.

 

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Russia’s tragedy, The bourgeoisie, and especially the intellectual classes of the Russian people, are systematically underfed by the treacherous rationing system of the Jewish Soviet officials. Manual labor as well as the intellectual workers are subject to a most villainous tyranny, namely, to the tyranny of starvation. It is proper to propound the question: Is this policy carried out in accordance with the stipulation of the Protocols which reads as follows:

Our power lies in the chronic malnutrition and in the weakness of the worker, because through this he falls under our power and is unable to find either strength or energy to counteract it.” (Protocol No. III.)

(a) The Program of Hypocrisy

As already seen, the Protocols call for a program of hypocrisy as well as terror. The nature of the Bolshevist regime viewed from this angle is graphically described by Mr. Roger E. Simmons in his testimony before the Overman Committee, On pages 298 and 299 Of the Senate Report he states:

Along the trans-Siberian line, proceeding slowly, I had a chance of reading the literature that the Bolsheviki were distributing in connection with their active propaganda; also the decrees, proclamations, and the public formal announcements of all kinds of the local and national authorities. Many of these sounded plausible, aimed to be constructive, ostensibly, and in their idealism and promises were golden. I could see

 

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how people would be attracted, and for the first 8 to 10 weeks understood their sanguine hopes. But after this time disintegration was rapid and I saw the awful results. The modus operandi was not in line with theories. They talked ideals but did not act ideals. Practices showed there was decided immorality; decidedly, the game was not being played squarely, the people being deceived by the leaders. I suspected it from the very beginning from what I saw in Siberia. If you will let me, I will read to you a significant admission in that connection.

This statement was written to me, at my request, by an American that it could be given to the American Consul General. It reads as follows:

“‘Bonch Bruevitch, the executor of the acts of all the People’s Commissars, not a strong man, but a close friend of Lenine’s, who, working in the same office, is able to influence Lenine strongly. A power in the government as long as Lenine lives. He states that the Bolsheviki have not worked out a code of morals yet, and until they do, the end justifies the means. Any lies or dictatorial methods are worth using as long as they are in the interests of the working classes. A close friend of his says he has no compunctions, lying whenever there is an advantage to be gained from it for the. Soviets.’

The movement is immoral, absolutely.”

In this connection it is of the utmost importance to call the attention of the reader to the statement of one of the best known Jewish Soviet officials, Zinovieff – Apfelbaum, President of the Petrograd Soviet, regarding the means of

 

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spreading world-wide propaganda. The passage as quoted before proves how closely the policies advocated in the Protocols resemble the Jewish policies as carried out by the Soviet-officials in Russia. This is what Zinovieff stated on February 2, 1919:

We are willing to sign an unfavorable peace with the allies .... It would only mean that we should put no trust whatever in the bit of paper we would sign. We should use the breathing space so obtained in order to gather our strength in order that the mere continued existence of our government would keep up the world-wide propaganda which Soviet Russia has been carrying on for more than a year.”1

1“Memorandum on Certain Aspects of the Bolshevist Movement in Russia.” Washington, Government Printing Office, 1919, p. 20.

(c) The Destruction of Religion and Christianity

Here again the actual policies of the Bolsheviki fully coincide with the Protocols.

The most important passage in the Protocols as to the policy advocated in regard to religion is the following:

Liberty could also be harmless and remain on the state program without detriment to the well-being of the people if it were to retain the ideas of the belief in God and human fraternity, free from the conception of equality which is in contradiction to the laws of nature which establish subordination. With such

 

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a faith the people would be governed by the guardians of the parish and would thrive quietly and obediently under the guidance of their spiritual header, accepting God’s dispensation on earth. It is for this reason that we must undermine faith, tearing from the minds of the Goys the very principle of God and Soul, and substituting mathematical formulas and material needs.”

It appears from the above excerpt that the Protocols advocate the destruction of religion, and the religious spirit among the Gentiles on the ground that they are the political as well as the moral bulwarks of the Gentile states. In another place the Protocols state that the most formidable antagonist of the Jews in the past has been Rome, i.e., the Roman Catholic Church.

The Bolsheviki, whatever their real motives may be, have from the moment they came into power in Russia conducted a campaign of violence and persecution against the Christian religion, in the guise of a campaign against religion in general. While they have not attacked the Jewish religion or the Jewish rabbis, they have murdered and persecuted Christian priests and harassed their congregations in the churches. While professing to be merely following the Socialist teachings of Karl Marx (himself a Jew), who attacked religion in general as the creature of capitalism, the Bolshevist campaign against religion is in fact directed against Christianity.

Evidence of the above is found in sworn testimony of several witnesses before the Overman Committee and in official reports of the British government and elsewhere.

 

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An English clergyman, the Rev. B.S. Zombard, in a report to Earl Curzon, dated March 23, 1919, referring to the conditions in Soviet Russia, stated as follows:

The treatment of the priests was brutal beyond everything. Eight of them were incarcerated in a cell in our corridor. Some of us saw an aged man knocked down twice one morning for apparently no reason whatever, and they were employed to perform the most degrading work and made to clean out the filthy prison hospital.”1

1British White Book, Russia No. 1 (1919), p. 57.

Mr. George A. Simons testified before the Overman Committee, in answer to a question of Senator King, as follows:

Senator King. “Did you find, then, that atheism permeates the ranks of the Bolsheviki?”

Mr. Simans, “Yes, sir. And the anti-Christ spirit as well.”

The testimony of Mr. Simons on this subject was as follows:

Senator King. “What I am trying to get at is, for my information, why Bolshevism is bitterly opposed to all sorts of religion or sacraments of the church – Christianity; because I suppose that Christianity is the basis of law and order and of orderly government. I was wondering if you had discovered why they were so bitter against Christianity, and if you found that all the Bolsheviks were atheistic or rationalistic or anti-Christian?”

 

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Mr. Simons. “My experience over there under the Bolsheviki regime has led me to come to the conclusion that the Bolsheviki religion is not only absolutely anti-religious, atheistic, but has it in mind to make all real religious work impossible as soon as they can achieve that end which they are pressing. There was a meeting – I cannot give you the date offhand; it must have been in August, 1918 – held in a large hall that had once been used by the Young Men’s Christian Association in Petrograd for their work among the Russian soldiers. The Bolsheviki confiscated it; put out the Y.M.C.A. In that large hall there was a meeting held which was to be a sort of a religious dispute. Lunacharsky, the Commissar of the People’s Enlightenment, as he was called, and Mr. Spitzberg, who was the Commissar of Propaganda for Bolshevism, were the two main speakers. Both of those men spoke in very much the same way as Emma Goldman has been speaking. I have been getting some of her literature, and recently I have been very much amazed at the same line of argumentation with regard to the attack on religion and Christianity and so-called religious organizations.”

Senator King. “She is the Bolshevik who has been in jail in this country and who will be deported as soon as her sentence is over?”

Mr. Simons. “I do not know as she will be deported.”

Senator King. “I think she will be.”

Mr. Simons. “She ought to be put somewhere where she cannot issue any more of that literature. Lunacharsky and Spitzberg came out with pretty much the same things that she has been saying and printing. This is one of these theses: ‘All that is bad in the world, misery and

 

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suffering that we have had, is largely dueto the superstition that there is a God’.”

Senator King, “I noticed in yesterday’s paper that in their schools the children are being taught, wherever they have schools at all, positive atheism. Did you verify that?”

Mr. Simons. “Luncharsky, as the official head of the department of education, Commissar of the People’s Enlightenment, said: ‘We now propose to enlighten our boys and our girls and we are using as a textbook a catechism of atheism which will be used in our public schools,’ Yet he had the audacity to says ‘We are going to give all churches the same chance.’ And a priest replied to him, saying: ‘Then you ought not to put your catechism of atheism into the schools.’1

Referring further to the meeting at the Y.M.C.A., Mr. Simons said a little later in his testimony”

Lunacharskyand Spitzberg said in that meeting, and they sent it out in their proclamations: ‘The greatest enemy to our proletarian cause is religion. The so-called church is simply a camoulflage of capitalistic control and they are hiding behind it, and in order to have success in our movement we must get rid of the church.’ Now a frank statement like that seems to me to indicate their anti-religious and anti-Christian animus.”2

1Senate Report, “Bolshevik Propaganda,” pp. 136 and 137.

2Ibid. p. 139.

 

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Mr. Simons further testified as follows:

Senator King. “Has there been a confiscation of church property and buildings?”

Mr. Simons, “Yes, sir; and in quite a number of instances monasteries, with their wealth, have been taken, and all kinds of indecent things have been done by certain Bolshevik officials.

I have some data showing that they have turned certain churches and monasteries into dancing halls, and one instance has been reported to me where a certain Bolshevik official went into a church while the people were there waiting for the sacrament, and threw the priest out, so I am told, and himself put on the clerical garb, and then went on to the altar and made a comedy of the ritual, which stirred up the religious sense of the people to that extent that they threatened – of course, among themselves – that they would yet kill that man. He happened to be an apostate Jew.

Mr. Roger E. Simmons testified as. follows in regard to the Russian priest who was put in the same prison with him by the Bolsheviki:

A high priest of the church was there. He had been preaching sermons publicly denouncing the immorality of the Bolsheviki. They imprisoned him and shot him. This priest told me that he was a great admirer of Dr. Mott of America.”

Senator Nelson, “Do you not think that the church in the end will prove the rallying center for the anti-Bolshevik forces?”

Mr. Simmons. “I think it certainly

 

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will be one of the principal factors; no doubt of it. That priest took the occasion, knowing that I was an official of the American Government, thinking that it was the last duty he could perhaps perform for Russia, to beg me to go back and tell the American people, ‘For God’s sake, send us help.’ He was speaking, gentlemen, not for himself, but for the large class of people that he represented.”1

1 Senate Report, “Bolshevik Propaganda,” p. 316.

Testimony of Mr. Theodor Kryshtofovich

As you know, gentlemen, the Russians are a very religious people. Like here in the United States, there are very many denominations there, but most of the people belong to the Greek Church. Of course, the priests and religious people are not very pleasant to the Bolsheviki, because the Bolsheviki deny any religion or any religious sentiment. They oppose the Russian clergy and the Russian clergy oppose the Bolsheviki, and the Russian priests are treated very badly. For instance, they are set to do streetwork, cleaning the streets, paving streets, digging ditches, and so on. The workmen told me several times, ‘The Bolsheviki are sending out priests to work in the streets. Why do they not send their rabbis?’ And that is true. The Jewish Rabbis are not sent to work on the streets. The Bolsheviki are opposing religion to such an extent that lately they raised a question of teaching atheism in the schools. They boast that they have opened so many schools, but they do not say that they closed as many schools as they opened. We had schools in connection with

1 Senate Report, “Bolshevik Propaganda,” p. 316.

 

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the churches, in connection with every church there was a school, and all these schools are closed now.”1

1 Senate Report, “Bolshevik Propaganda.” p. 316.

Further evidence that the Bolsheviki, although attacking Christianity, protect the Jewish religion, is found in the followingarticle, which appeared on the 5th of July, 1919, in the weekly publication Soviet Russia, page 15, The article is entitled “Soviet Tolerance.” It reads as follows:

The Few York Jewish Daily, ‘The Day.’ in its issue of June 24th has the following cablegram from its European correspondent, N. Shiffrins: ‘Glad Tidings from Russia.’ ‘The Zionists have organized throughout Russia Food Co-operative Societies which are united in every city into Central Co-operative Associations united in the All-Russian Federation of Jewish Food Co-operative Associations. The Federation is in part subsidized by the Moscow Soviet Government. All schools of the Zionists in which the language of instruction is ancient Hebrew, as well as the Hebrew High school in Minsk, have been taken over by the government. They have been incorporated in the Public School System which is maintained by the Commissariat of Public Education’.”

The significant part of this article consists in the fact that the old Hebrew is a religious language in which the Talmud is written. The old Hebrew can serve only for the study of the Talmud as well as of other Jewish religious writings. Thus, while combating the Christian religion, the Bolsheviki are extending protection

 

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to the Jewish religion and to the synagogues.

In a pamphlet entitled “The Russian Church under the Bolsheviks,” recently published in England, is printed the appeal of Father Serge Orlov, “who played an important part in the Reform movement in the Russian church,” and who is now in Switzerland, where the national Consistory has expressed its sympathy for the Russian people by composing a special prayer for the liberation of Russia from the Bolsheviks. We quote the following passages from this appeal of Father Orlov:

Owing to Bolshevism the Orthodox Russian Church is passing through so acute a crisis that there is serious danger to the fundamental idea of the whole of Christianity.

Bolshevism is essentially hostile to Christ, and manifests even greater hatred towards Christianity than did the pagan power of the first centuries.”

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

Bolshevism and the Christian Church cannot exist side by side.

The persecution of the Church began in January, 1918, and has been increasing since then. The Bolsheviks issued a decree on the disestablishment of the Church, although never had the Russian Church been so firmly in the grip of the secular authorities as in Soviet Russia. The Church has not only been robbed but treated with contumely. Every commissary has the right of prohibiting a service if he suspects the priest or his congregation of counter-revolutionary tendencies. Practically whenever he chooses he can close a church, turn it into a cinema,

 

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mock at the ancient sacred relics, and in general insult people’s religious feelings.

But it is strange that the greater the persecution of the Russian Church the nearer and dearer does it become to the tortured Russian people. Indeed, the priests of the Russian Church boldly denounce the Bolsheviks, Not one of the secular rulers has accused them so openly as Tikhon the All-Russian Patriarch, over whom the Damocles sword of the Bolsheviks is always hanging. But the sword can only kill the body, and not the spirit.

As early as last February, Patriarch Tikhon excommunicated the Bolsheviks, the excommunication being read in the churches. At that time the persecution of the clergy bad already commenced, but the Patriarch had not been arrested. It was only later, in the autumn of 1918, during the universal Terror, that he was placed under domiciliary arrest in his apartments in the Kremlin, with a guard of Chinese, Letts and Red Army men, and deprived of his rations. But even as a prisoner the Patriarch issued declarations against the Bolsheviks, in which he severely denounced them.

It is not enough,” writes the Patriarch, “that you have stained the hands of the Russian people with the blood of their brethren. You have instigated the people to open, shameless robbery. You have, befogged their consciences and stifled their conviction of sin, but under whatever name you disguise an evil deed, murder, violence and robbery will always remain crimes and deeds of evil that clamor to Heaven for vengeance. Yes, we are going through a dreadful time under your dominion, and it will be long before it fades from the hearts of the nation, where ithas dimmed the image of God and impressed that of the beast.

 

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But as yet the Bolsheviks have not dared to raise their hand against the aged Patriarch. Apparently he is alive.”

A faint idea of what the Bolsheviks are doing to the Russian Church may be gathered from the following:

According to information received from A. Kartashov, former Minister of Cults, by December, 1918, the Bolsheviks had killed ten archbishops and bishops; it is difficult to ascertain the number of priests killed. It reaches several hundreds. The Patriarch is a prisoner in his own house. According to the (later) message from the Archbishop of Omsk, President of the Supreme Administration of the Orthodox Church, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Metropolitan of Kiev, twenty bishops and hundreds of priests have been assassinated. Some were buried alive, ‘Wherever the Bolsheviks are in power,’ says the Archbishop of Omsk, ‘the Christian Church is persecuted with even greater ferocity than in the first three centuries of the Christian era.’

When, in January, 1919, the town of Yuriev (Dorpat) was taken by the Bolsheviks, Bishop Platon was arrested. The Reval papers thus describe the Bishop’s last moments. The Bolsheviks burst into his house at night, dragged him from his bed. Barefoot and clad only in his under-linen, the Bishop, with 17 other persons, was dragged down to the cellars of the house they had been arrested in. Here the Red executioners rushed at them with their axes and killed them.

Near Kotlas, all the ten monks of the monastery, with the prior head, were shot for agitation against the Soviet authorities.”

 

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Information has come from Omsk that as a result of a judicial investigation of the Bolshevik terror in Perm, the following has been discovered:

Archbishop Andronik was buried alive; Vassili, Archbishop of Chernigov, who had come to Moscow to inquire about the fate of Archbishop Andronik, was cut down and killed with his two companions. Bishop Feofan was first tortured, then dipped several times into the river through a hole in the ice, and finally drowned in the River Kama. Besides this, it was discovered that 50 priests had been executed. Before being killed they were horribly tortured.

At the evacuation of Cherdyn the Bolsheviks took with them among other hostages a highly respected priest, Nicolas Koniurov, whom they subjectedto atrocious torments.

During a severe frost they stripped the old man naked and poured water over him until he was transformed into a statue of ice.”

(“The Russian Church under the Bolsheviks,” pages 1, 2, 3.)

The statement of the Rev. R. Courtier-Forster, British Chaplain at Odessa, already cited under the head of “Terror,” contains the following passage as to the martyrdom of Christians under the Bolsheviki:

It was the martyrdom of the two Metropolitans and the assassination of so many Bishops and the killing of hundreds of various Christian ministers of religion, regardless of denomination or school of thought, that proved the undoing of the Scourge. Russian Orthodox clergy.

 

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Protestant Lutheran pastors, Roman Catholic priests, were tortured and done to death with the same light-hearted indiscrimination in the name of Toleration and Freedom. Then it was that the Scourge, seeing the last remnants of Liberty ground under the heel of a tyranny more brutal in its methods than a mediaeval torture chamber, published another full-page cartoon representing Moses descending from the Burning Mount, bringing in his arms the Tables of Ten Commandments to humanity, and being stoned to death by a mob of workmen’s and soldiers’ delegates.

The following Sunday afternoon I was passing through the Town Gardens, when I saw a group of Bolshevist soldiers insulting an ikon of the Thorn-crowned Face of Christ. The owner of the ikon was spitting in the pictured Face, while the others were standing around watching with loud guffaws of laughter. Presently they tore the sacred picture into fragments, danced on it, and trampled and stamped the pieces into the mud.”

(“Bolshevism, Reign of Torture at Odessa,” by Rev. R. Courtier-Forster, reprinted from The Times, Dec, 3, 1919, page 4. )

(d) Inciting Class Hatred

It will be recalled that the Protocols specifically refer to the incitement of class hatred as one of the most effective means of bringing about the destruction of Christians, that is, “Goy” states, The concluding sentence of Protocol No. IV reads as follows:

It will be that stage that the lower classes of the Goys, not for the sake of doing good, nor even for the sake of

 

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wealth, but solely because of their hatred towards the privileged, will follow us against the intelligent Goys, our competitors for power.”

This remarkable stipulation of the Protocols is literally followed by the Jewish Soviet officials in Russia. This is how Mr. Roger E. Simmons, in his testimony before the Overman Committee, describes the policy of inciting class hatred by the Bolsheviki in Russia:

Mr. Simmons. “Being a social revolution, of course the worst parts about it are the results of the awful class hatred the Bolsheviki leaders are inciting. They are inciting it in every part of the country by their publications andin all their efficient propaganda. It has not been any more disastrous in any parts of Russia, I believe, than it has been in many villages among the peasantry.

Their policy has as an underlying motive the arousing of class antagonism, the proletariat hating the bourgeoisie. In practice it means that the less fortunate in every industry and institution bear animus against those qualified to hold better positions. This has been indirectly the cause of most of the incidents of terrorism witnesses have spoken of, more of which I will tell you about later.

When it was seen that the peasantry did not rally to the support of the Bolshevik cause and that they refused to sell grain for rubles without value, the Bolsheviki took the class issue to the villages. Lenine calls this movement awakening class consciousness of the peasantry. He organized for this work ‘poor committees,’ as they are called in translation. These committees of soldiers go out to the villages to inflame the dissatisfied

 

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elements and to extract by force food from the peasants .... But Lenine sends the poor committees, agitators, to incite peasants who have no land to conspire against those who have, and to take the guns he gives them for fighting, robbing, and plundering neighbors in their own and neighboring villages who have land. When you come later to read, gentlemen, the history of the Russian revolution, some of the bloodiest fights, you will find, and the worst horrors, have occurred in villages. Those simple, peace-loving people have been living among themselves for centuries in more or less harmony under their communistic system. But all of a sudden Lenine, by his nefarious policies, sets the passions of the demoralized class aflame and turns them against the other two classes. Instead of promoting brotherly love and helping to make the sentiment of the nation one for the good of all, as we are striving to do in America, the Bolsheviki are trying by jealousy and animosity to disintegrate the population of various localities into classes with a view of the honest toiler being overcome and subjected. Now this is a serious matter. The peasantry represent 85 per cent of the 160,000,000 Russians.

In Russia class hatred is seen manifested everywhere. I will mention one illustration which I saw in Petrograd – the undressing of a woman. I had heard about it before. It was about 6:30, growing dark, as I was walking down the Nevsky Prospect on my way home. I heard a yell of distress from a woman up a street running perpendicularly to the Nevsky. There two soldiers were removing the cloak – a very good substantial cloth coat – from a woman. And when

 

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protests were made by the standers-by, the answer was, ‘We have blacked your boots and washed your clothes for many years. Now you bourgeoisie have got to bow to us and wash our clothes and black our boots.’ Undressing to steal clothes went on to a considerable extent in Moscow, Petrograd and Kiev, according to reports. It went as far as taking off besides cloaks the very dresses of women, and where they could handle it, taking also the clothes and overcoats off men ...

Now, you can see that all their practices aimed to invite people to do acts of that kind showing intense hatred – I wish I could think of another word, it is more than hatred – detestation – against people that they thought were a little higher up. Now, remember, as I pointed out in the first place this hatred is against a good many of these people in the cities, and people like the peasants who had land, who belonged to the proletariat. But because they did not agree, they call them bourgeoisie. You can see that they are fighting parts of the very class for whom they say they are trying to establish a dictatorship. They are not trying to put the proletariat in power, but the most demoralized elements of that class, which represents, gentlemen, a very small per cent.

Now, this class hatred is a matter we have got to consider, I think, with a great deal of interest and a great deal of seriousness, because it is the basis of their international movement.”1

1 Senate Report, “Bolshevik Propaganda.” p. 301.

(e) Autocracy in Government

The Protocols call for a world autocracy

 

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and state that liberalism in government is a source of weakness which should be encouraged by the Jews only for the temporary object of destroying Christian states with the ultimate purpose of establishing a Jewish despotism over the whole world.

Only an autocrat can outline great and clear plans which allocate in an orderly manner all the parts of the mechanism of the government machinery.”

On the other hand, the Protocols state as follows:

In all parts of the world the words ‘Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity’ have brought whole legions into our ranks through our blind agents, carrying our banners with delight. Meanwhile these words were worms which ruined the prosperity of the Goys, everywhere destroying peace, quiet, and solidarity, undermining all the foundations of their states.”

Ambassador Francis, when asked by Senator King Whether Lenin and Trotzky and those who are in control of the Bolshevik government were there as a result of a general election, testified:1

1 Senate Report, “Bolshevik Propaganda,” p. 946.

Mr. Francis. “No, no. They are there as usurpers.”

Senator King. “By force and terror?”

Mr. Francis. “I do not think they represent more than ten per cent of the Russians.”

Senator Overman. “Of the whole 180,000,000?”

 

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Mr. Roger E. Simmons also describes the Bolshevik government as it existed when he left Russia in November, 1918, as follows:

The Soviet government solely of Bolsheviks, of a portion only of the ‘manual proletariat’ is a government in name only. Rightly stated, it is a well-organized institution functioning to further the social revolution, the overthrow of all recognized standards of morality and civilization.”1

1 Senate Report, “Bolshevik Propaganda,” p. 299.

That gradual despotism shown by the testimony of these witnesses to exist in 1918 has tended to become more and more complete is shown by evidence of a recent date. The British White Book, “Russia No. 1 (1919), Collection of Reports on Bolshevism in Russia,” contains a report of a Mr. C. who was formerly connected with a commercial company which had a branch in Moscow. This document bears the date of January 21, 1919. Among other information therein contained is the following:

All factories nationalized; only about half of them working. Men all anti- Bolshevik. Very discontented with conditions of life, and with the working of the factories. Conditions getting worse and worse every day. A great many of the men have gone to the country, as it is practically impossible to live in the towns .... In Petrograd more attempts to strike than in Moscow; this is because in Moscow the workmen are more under the power of the government, and they do not dare to strike. Even if they did there is nothing

 

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to gain by it, for the government would simply stop their wages, discharge a good many, and probably cancel their bread cards.”

As recently as in the fall of 1919 conditions in the factories were reported to be deplorable. The Soviet officials have gone far beyond that part of the program of Karl Marx in his “Communist Manifesto,” which prescribes “Equal liability of all labor. Establishment of industrial armies, especially for agriculture.” The Soviet government’s Code of Labor Laws, translated into English and published in New York in Soviet Russia, the organ of the Russian Soviet Bureau, in its issue of February 21, 1920 imposes compulsory labor upon every one, male or female, between the ages of sixteen and sixty, unless physically disqualified, and enforces iron discipline of the most tyrannical nature.

Moreover, the New York World of Friday, April 9, 1920, published an article entitled “Mobilize Russian Labor,” in which it was stated that Trotzky, addressing the ninth convention of the Communist Party at Moscow on March 27, 1920, directed his address chiefly to defining the relation between the mobilization of industry to the industrial rehabilitation of Russia, and stated:

Mobilization is more necessary now than it was formerly, because we have to deal with the peasant population and masses of unskilled labor which cannot be utilized to the fullest extent by any other means than military discipline. Trade unions are capable of organizing great masses of qualified workers, but 30 per cent of the people cannot be reached by this means.”

 

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An elaborate system among the workmen had been gradually established and at present the communist spy reporting directly to the Soviets has almost mediaeval powers of executing a man merely for the reason that he is opposed to the tyranny of the Soviets. Moreover, by the weapon of starvation, the workman is compelled to work more hours than under any preceding form of government. The very right to strike is entirely denied the workmen. Every strike is called sabotage against the Soviets and every act of sabotage is forbidden under pain of capital punishment. Supplementary Decree No. 27 deals specifically with incitements to strike. Persons violating such decree are brought before the Extraordinary Committees to Combat Counter-revolution.

This situation strikingly recalls a passage in the Protocols where it is stated:

Civilization cannot exist without absolute despotism, for government is carried on not by the masses, but by their leader whoever he may be.”

Is Trotzky this leader?

Immediately before his departure from the United States for Russia in order to join his brethren who were engaged in the destruction of the Russian state, Trotzky made the following boasts:

I stand forth the world’s greatest internationalist. I shall rule Russia.”

Then he made this appeal to the audiences:

On with our civil war! On with the

 

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world revolution! Down with the governments!”

Unfortunately, the wise step taken by the British Government in arresting Trotzky at Halifax while on his way to Russia was countermanded, and Lieut.-Colonel J.B. McClean, proprietor of Maclean’s Magazine, published at Toronto, in an article entitled “Why Did We Let Trotzky Go?”, printed in the issue of June, 1919 (Vol. XXXII, No. 6), referring to various explanations for his release, says, “Finally it is said it was done at the request of the British Embassy at Washington over the head of the British and American Intelligence Department; and that the Embassy acted on the request of the U.S. State Department, who were acting for some one else.”

 

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