The Curse on Cain Proven, Part Three

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Repeating, the topic of this discussion is based upon Gen. 4:11-12, where Cain had murdered Abel, which states: 11 And now art thou cursed from the earth, which hath opened her mouth to receive thy brother’s blood from thy hand; 12 When thou tillest the ground, it shall not henceforth yield unto thee her strength; a fugitive and a vagabond shalt thou be in the earth. [underlining mine]

Before we jump to any conclusions, we will have to examine just what kind of a situation we have here. The first thing we have to grapple with is the fact that only Adam was created to be a farmer, Gen. 2:5:

And every plant of the field before it was in the earth, and every herb of the field before it grew: for Yahweh Elohim had not caused it to rain upon the earth, and there was not an [Adam-] man to till the ground.”

In this third paper on this subject, I will quote from a book entitled Zionist Relations With Nazi Germany, by Faris Glubb. The author is a jew, and he uses all jewish sources. Under his introduction, he states in part: “... The information on this subject is available, but has not yet been gathered together on a single comprehensive study. This study is intended, at least partially, to remedy this deficiency ....”

Searching for data for this paper, I found Glubb to be correct on what I’m about to use, as I only found a passing reference from the book A Century of Jewish Life by Ismar Elbogen, under the subchapter “The Balfour Declaration”, pp. 478-479 as follows:

... The Central Powers could not fail to meet the challenge of the Declaration. They too had a burning interest in binding the confidence and resources of the Jews to their cause. As allies of Turkey they could not, indeed, proclaim the dismemberment of that country, but the Berlin government repeatedly promised the Zionist leaders there that they would forward their plans in every way. At about the same time that the Balfour Declaration was issued, the Turkish Grand Vizier declared that it was the purpose of the Imperial Ottoman government to favor the budding Jewish settlement of Palestine by granting free immigration and colonization, local self-administration, and promotion of the development of autonomous cultural institutions. The German government welcomed this declaration and expressly subscribed to it ....” As this is rare information, one might want to keep this paper in a safe place. (This will be a critical review, as it pertains to the subject at hand). I will use only chapter four of Glubb’s book, pp. 27-33:

IV The 1938 Emigration Accords:

The year 1938 was to prove a triumphant one for Hitler. Its highlights included his annexation of Austria and the Munich Agreement, the diplomatic capitulation of the British and French Governments which enabled the Nazis to dismember Czechoslovakia. These successes emboldened the Nazis to intensify their campaign to force the Jews out of Europe, and the acquisition of new territories brought more Jews, in large numbers, within the scope of this campaign. The end of the year witnessed the notorious pogrom known as the Kristallnacht. [excuse some of Glubb’s terminology]

It is relevant to remind ourselves here of the precise goal of which Hitler never lost sight throughout this period. This was summarised eloquently by two Jewish legal experts, shortly before the intensified campaign was launched, in these words: ‘The avowed aim of the National Socialist Government is to force the emigration on a vast scale of the ‘non-Aryan’ population of Germany. This objective is being attained through a systematic programme of discrimination and humiliation which is calculated to induce the flight from their homes of hundreds of thousands of individuals. [Oscar Janowsky and Melvin Fagan, International Aspects of German Racial Policies, pp. 49-50]

However, the agreements reached hitherto with Zionism were not adequate for Nazi purposes, and the pace of emigration was considered too slow, as this account indicates: ‘The central Jewish organisation known as the ‘Zentralauschuss der Deutschen Juden fur Hilfe und Aufbau’ ... was established in 1933 in the Reich. That body had three principal divisions dealing with emigration, economic assistance, and relief and it was the special function of the office for economic assistance to assist in the change of vocation and the training of the young ... At the time of writing (October 1935) there are ten training camps, with a total of 2,700 young men and women. The larger number are instructed in agriculture. The German Government constantly makes difficulties and threatens the complete dissolution of the camps, on the pretext that Jews may not be assisted to prepare for manual occupations in Germany. It is hoped, therefore, to enlarge the youth emigration to Palestine, so that thousands may go each year.’ [Bentwick, op. cit. 141-143]

We have already noted above that the Nazis had allowed the Zionists to establish special training schools to prepare emigrants for life in the Middle East. What the common interests of both parties now required was a speeding-up of emigration, and measures to bring the training programme under tighter Zionist-Nazi control. The Zionists sent special envoys to make the necessary arrangements, while the Nazis held constant meetings to plan their strategy for the expulsion of Jews. [emphasis mine]

In the course of the first session of the steering committee of the ‘Central Office’, on 11 February 1939, Heydrich explained that Germany had no reason to give up sending illegal transports of emigrants to Palestine ...

Illegal transports, Heydrich continued, would in any case set out for Palestine from several European countries. So Germany could have recourse to the same procedures. Hinrichs and Eisenlohr, from the Wilhelmstrasse, far from raising any objections, insisted on the contrary that ‘Germany should profit from any occasion offered to her to throw a Jew out.’ Wohlthat did not lag behind. ‘Palestine could absorb some 800,000 to one million extra Jews,’ he reported having heard in London, ‘and if the Jews of Germany did not go there, other countries could well provide this contingent.’ ... ‘Since the end of December 1938, two delegates from Palestine, Pinhas Ginsberg and Max Zimels, had been working without intermission on the territory of the Reich preparing illegal convoys to Palestine. The Gestapo would put no obstacles in the way of their activity.’ [Ben Elissar, op. cit., pp. 423-424.]

Two Zionist writers, who refer to Ginsberg by his nickname ‘Pino’, relate how the Jewish Agency sent him to meet the Supervisor of the Jewish Question at the Gestapo Headquarters: ‘He was on a special mission; his work was what the Nazis wanted; his aim was to organise the emigration of German Jews to Palestine; only with the assistance of the Nazi leaders could this project be carried out on a large scale. The Gestapo ‘Supervisor’ was now interested. He called in three other Gestapo officials. The interview had become a conference; the Gestapo was discussing how to aid and increase Jewish ‘illegal’ immigration into Palestine against the will of the British Mandatory.’

Ginsberg accordingly requested Gestapo assistance for his scheme. The interview concluded, he left the Gestapo HQ to go to the Zionist Organisation’s Berlin office. ‘By the time the emissary reached the Zionist offices, excited officials told him that the Gestapo answer was waiting for him. He could stay. He could start work at once. He could even pick young Jewish pioneers who had been sent to concentration camps. He would not be required to pass through the endless red tape of official channels. He could set up special training camps for the selected immigrants who would make the illegal run to Palestine through the British blockade ... He had brought with him his long spoon; he was not worried that now he was about to sup with the devil. In fact he felt no little satisfaction as he read the Gestapo reply.’ [Jon & David Kimche, The Secret Roads, pp. 15-16]

Also during 1938, just after the Anschluss, the Zionists sent another envoy, Moshe Bar-Gilad, to Vienna on a similar mission. ‘Bar-Gilad, like his colleague in Berlin, soon discovered that the only road to large-scale emigration from Austria led through the Gestapo headquarters and the S.S. office for Jewish affairs for which the sumptuous mansion of Baron Rothschild had been requisitioned. There, in charge of the ‘Central Bureau for Jewish Emigration’, sat Captain Carl Adolf Eichmann. It was a name which was to become notorious ... He received Bar-Gilad politely; he was also impressed by the forthright self-assurance and blunt speech of this unusual visitor.

Bar-Gilad explained that he wanted permission to establish pioneer training camps to train young people for work in Palestine and to arrange for their emigration as quickly as conditions permitted ... A dissident Zionist group, the Revisionists, rightwing activists, were engaged in illegal transports to Palestine. Bar-Gilad explained that Revisionists took primarily those Jews who could pay the heavy cost of illegal transportation, while his organisation was interested in young people who were prepared to become pioneers. Most of them had no means. His organisation would bear the entire cost. He wanted no financial help from the Gestapo; all he asked was that his work should not be obstructed.

Two weeks later, Bar-Gilad received Eichmann’s answer to the Zionist movement’s requests. ‘Eichmann told him that he would help in the provision of farms and facilities to set up training centres for intending emigrants, but the actual transportation must be left to the Revisionists, the dissident Zionists and to ‘private enterprise’ ... Bar-Gilad could not agree to the exclusion of transportation from his province. But as regards training facilities Eichmann kept his promise. He supplied farms and farm equipment. On one occasion he expelled a group of nuns from a convent to provide a training farm for young Jews. By the end of 1938 about a thousand young Jews were undergoing training in these Nazi-provided camps.’ [Ibid. pp. 17-19]

These two emissaries were official representatives of the ‘Union of Communal Settlements’ which, within the Zionist movement, carried out work for the establishment and strengthening of kibbutzim. These settlements, as is now becoming widely known, are paramilitary in character. The agreements which these envoys reached through their contact with the Gestapo and SS, whereby Nazi Germany made a vital contribution towards reinforcing Zionism’s manpower, training and consequent military effectiveness, were not an informal arrangement. They were solemn agreements officially, though secretly, entered into by the Nazi Government: an alliance of convenience ordered in a policy directive by Hitler himself.

Hitler’s decision was communicated by the Foreign Affairs Office of the Nazi Party to all Ministries concerned. They were told that the Fuhrer had decided again that ‘Jewish emigration from Germany shall continue to be promoted by all available means. Any question which might have existed up to now as to whether in the Fuhrer’s opinion such emigration is to be directed to Palestine has thereby been answered in the affirmative.’ [Ibid. p. 30]

The existence of this official Nazi policy was also confirmed by the Jewish historian Hannah Arendt, in her description of Eichmann’s work in Vienna in 1938: ‘Eichmann’s task had been defined as ‘forced emigration’, and the words meant exactly what they said: all Jews, regardless of their desires and regardless of their citizenship, were to be forced to emigratean act which in ordinary language is called expulsion. Whenever Eichmann thought back to the twelve years that were his life, he singled out his year in Vienna as head of the Centre for Emigration of Austrian Jews as its happiest and most successful period.’ [Arendt, op. cit. p. 39.]

Apart from all its other unpleasant aspects, the persecution of Jews was also a lucrative form of big business. It is common knowledge that many Nazis amassed large fortunes, generally out of the property or slave labour of their victims. What is less widely known is that the Zionist organisers of emigration, through their collaboration with the Nazis, also took their share of material benefits at the expense of individual Jews. [Note: We should be very careful not to agree with every jewish claim, but it is great to hear the Edomite-jews get tripped-up in their own lies! C.A.E.]

Eichmann therefore sent Jewish functionaries abroad to solicit from the great Jewish organisations, and these funds were then sold by the Jewish community to the prospective emigrants at a considerable profit – one dollar, for instance, was sold for ten or twenty marks when its market value was 4.20 marks.’ [Ibid. p. 41]

Thus philanthropy, administered by the Zionist movement, became highly profitable. However, the aim of all the Zionist ‘rescue’ operations and agreements with the Nazis was hardly humanitarian, as is evident from the account of the missions of Bar-Gilad and Ginsberg. ‘These two Jewish emissaries had not come to Nazi Germany to save German Jews; that was not their job. Their eyes were fixed entirely on Palestine and the British Mandatory. They were looking for young men and women who wanted to go to Palestine because they wanted a national home of their own and were prepared to pioneer, struggle and, if necessary, fight for it. Their interest in those German Jews who turned to Palestine as a haven of refuge, as the next best after the United States or the United Kingdom, was secondary to their main purpose ...’ [I only use Faris Glubb to make an important point.]

Their end was to them far more important than the means which they were now compelled to employ; and though they could not see the future, nor imagine what it would bring, they had no qualms about the price they had to pay so long as they managed to get their Jews to Palestine.’ [Kimche op. cit. pp. 27, 30-31.]

The signature of the ‘common interests’ agreements between the Nazis and the Zionists, through the efforts of Ginsberg and Bar-Gilad, was followed by implementation. The reluctance of large numbers of German Jews to uproot themselves at the behest of Zionism had to be overcome by persuasion which the Nazis were quite willing to provide.

The beginning was slow but the grim night of November 9th, 1938, during, which the Nazis carried out their organised riot of arson and assault on German Jewry convinced the German Jewish leaders that emigration, by any means at their disposal, remained their only hope.

As this realisation dawned on the Jewish masses, Jews from all over Germany began to stream to Maineckestrasse* applications for emigration flooded the offices of Hechalutz, the Zionist pioneering movement, which was Pino’s H.Q.’ [Ibid. p. 217.] [*No. 10 Maineckestrasse was the address of the Zionist Organisation’s Berlin headquarters.]

Once the agreements began to be carried out in earnest, a remarkable spirit of co-operation, even camaraderie, grew up between Zionists and Nazis. This was to contrast strangely with the Nazi attitude to those Jews – the great majority in fact – who were unwilling or unable to comply with the Zionist and Nazi demand that they leave their homes in Europe. [Caution is advised on all jewish sources.]

In March 1939, the first transport of 280 German Jews organised by Pino, whose destination was ostensibly Zionist training farms in Yugoslavia, left Berlin. The Nazi authorities provided a special train and Nazi officials accompanied the train as far as Vienna, where the group joined another and larger transport of Austrian Jews which was accompanied by Austrian Nazis.’

The Austrian part of the transport had been organised by Bar-Gilad, working in Vienna ... The train with the hundreds of singing pioneers, with the bored Nazi guards leaning out of the windows, must have been an incongruous sight as it rattled through the lazy countryside of southern Austria. The sailing went according to plan; several hundred young Jews landed secretly on the shores of Palestine. [Ibid. pp. 33-35.]

Playing astutely on their feelings of insecurity, the Zionist movement persuaded German Jews to donate considerable sums for the rapid expansion of the training camps and transportation facilities so that the trickle of emigrants could become a flood. The Zionist-Nazi agreements on emigration continued in this form for two years following the outbreak of the Second World War. However, their smooth operation was disturbed in 1941 after Germany attacked the Soviet Union. The Nazis argued that the agreements were no longer able to operate owing to their need to give priority to their military situation on the Eastern Front when allocating transport, and to the general disruption by the war of communications in central and Eastern Europe ....” [Note: At this point Faris Glubb’s account goes astray, as he buys the 6-million jewish-lie stating:]

Finding it no longer feasible to rid Europe of Jews through emigration, Hitler opted for another way. ‘In January 1938, he had already given orders that Jewish emigration was to be directed primarily to Palestine, and when that gate was also closed he embraced the simple way out that was now offered to him, the ‘Final Solution’ of the extermination camp.’ [Ibid. p. 217] .....” Glubb follows by citing three sources that are in accord with the jewish 6-million canard!

Rabbi Lewis Browne, in his book How Odd of God, pages 207-208 stated” “And once the revolutionary spirit spreads to lands where we were more numerous, we did not merely die in the revolutions; we helped to start them. No agitators did more to bring on the Revolution of 1848 than those two Jews, Heinrich Heine and Ludwig Borne. No names are more illustrious in the history of early Socialism than those of two other Jews, Karl Marx and Ferdinand Lassalle. It was a Jew, Leon Trotzky, who led the Red Army which saved the Communist cause in Russia. It was a Jew Karl Liebknecht, aided by a Jewess, Rosa Luxemburg, who led the Sparticist insurrection in Germany. It was a Jew, Bela Kun, who set up the shortlived Red regime in Hungary. It was a Jew, Kurt Eisner, who led the Socialist Putsch in Bavaria ....”

Rabbi Judah L. Magnes, in a New York address, 1919, stated in part:

When the Jew gives his thought, his devotion, to the cause of the workers and of the dispossessed, of the disinherited of the world, the radical quality within him goes to the roots of things, and in Germany he becomes a Marx and a Lassalle, a Haas and an Edward Bernstein; in Austria he becomes a Victor Adler and a Friedrich Adler, in Russia, a Trotsky. Just take for a moment the present situation in Russia and in Germany. The revolution set creative forces free, and see what a large company of Jews was available for immediate service. Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviki, and Bolsheviki, Majority and Minority Socialists – whatever they be called – Jews are to be found among the trusted leaders and the routine workers of all these revolutionary parties.”

Elie Eberlin, in his The Jews of Today, pp. 24, 143 & 184 states: “Paole-Zionism goes on its task in Russia, in Palestine and elsewhere. In this very hour it appears as the unique international proletarian party. One of its fractions joins the Communist International, the other joins the Socialist International.

Throughout its autonomous existance, the Jewish people has experienced many forms of government. But neither the fatherly dictatorship of great Moses, nor the monarchy ruled by a religious constitution, nor the republic of the faithful under the presidency of High Priests, nor the despotism of the last kinglets leaning on Rome could suit that people of dreamers. Jews always had a government, but they always endured it.

In fact, Jews could not maintain their State among the States of antiquity, and fatally had to become the revolutionary ferments of the world.” [In truth, neither was the government of Moses theirs, or any other good government of Biblical times! - ed. W. Finck.]