Nord Davis Right & Wrong on "The Queen of the South", #1

I have a lot of respect for the late Nord Davis’ Two Seedline Israel Identity teachings, but there are a couple of areas where I cannot give him acclaim. I have his 64 page 1990 8½x11 inch format booklet, Desert Shield. In it he promoted king Hussein of Jordan as being a pureblooded Shemite, but his own words betray him on page 54 thusly:

King Hussein is one man who represents two different entities. First, he is the acknowledged Royal Arab King over the lands and kingdoms of the sons of Joktan and the Queen of Sheba. Thus, he has the right and the duty to speak prophetically for the Queen of the South. Second, he is descended from both Father Abraham and Islam’s Prophet, Muhammed. Thus, he has the right and the duty to speak for the Christian Arabs, the ancient seed of Jacob living in the Middle East.” The problem with that is, I have documentation that Mohammed’s mother was a bad-fig-jewess of the Cain satanic seedline, which I have presented several times.

Nord bases his postulation on Matt. 12:42 and Luke 11:31 which read pretty much alike: “The queen of the south shall rise up in the judgment with this race, and shall condemn it: for she came from the uttermost parts of the earth to hear the wisdom of Solomon; and, behold, a greater than Solomon is here.” This doesn’t say that the queen of Sheba will be reincarnated in the form of king Hussein of Jordan or his daughter, because king Hussein didn’t “come from the uttermost parts of the earth”. This also shows that queen of Sheba (being an Adamite-Shemite, but not under the Abrahamic Covenant will be in the resurrection to be judged, but king Hussein, being a mamzer won’t! To show the danger in such a premise, I will first quote from The Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible, vol. R-Z, under the topic, “Sabeans”, pages 144-146. (By the way, you might want to hang onto this data as it is quite hard to find):

SABEANS snz [; , ; KJV  (Ezek. 23:42; RSV DRUNKARDS)]; SEBA sēb []; SHEBA shēb []. A Semitic people who dwelt in the southwest corner of the Arabian Peninsula, and who traded in spices, gold, and precious stones. Seba is perhaps the name of a Sabean colony in Africa (see below); ‘Sheba’ is the Hebrew spelling of ‘Saba,’ the South Arabic name of the Sabean state.

The Sabeans occupied that part of southwest Arabia which roughly corresponds to modern Yemen; their sphere of influence and the boundaries of their state expanded and contracted at different times with the shifting political scene. This region is one of the most fertile parts of ARABIA, and its productivity was augmented in antiquity through Sabean development of enormous irrigation works, such as the dam and sluices at Marib. Located as they were on the periphery of the ancient Near East at a safe distance from the great empires to the north, the Sabeans enjoyed comparative peace and security throughout all but the last centuries of their history, and they were able to develop their state and culture relatively free from forced foreign influence.

This location also enabled the Sabeans to play an important role in the economic life of the ancient Near East. On land, they dominated the major caravan route to the north, over which passed frankincense from Dhofar and myrrh from neighboring states. It is in connection with their caravan activities and traffic in incense, precious stones, and gold that the Sabeans were known to biblical writers (Job 6:19; Ps. 72:10, 15; Isa. 60:6; Jer. 6:20; Ezek. 27:22-23; 38:13). At various times the Sabeans controlled the ports of Muza (near modern Mocha), Ocelis (near Babel-Mandeb), and probably Eudaemon Arabia (Aden), where cargoes from India and the Far East were exchanged for commodities of the Mediterranean world, and where frankincense and myrrh from North Somaliland and other products from Africa joined the stream of international trade. From these ports sailed Sabean ships to trade with East Africa, Socotra, and probably India. As a result of such economic activities, great wealth flowed into Saba, and it was described by classical writers as Arabia Felix, ‘Happy Arabia.’

The recovery of the Sabean civilization began in 1762 [A.D.] with the explorations of a Danish expedition led by Carsten Niebuhr. The Danes were followed by several individual explorers, notably U.E. Seetzen (1810), T. Arnaud (1843), J. Halévy (1869), E. Glaser (four journeys, 1882-1894), and A. Fakhry (1947), who copied thousands of South Arabic inscriptions and described numerous ancient sites and remains. The first excavations (1928) were undertaken by C. Rathjens and H. von Wissmann at Huqqa, a site ca. fourteen miles north of San‘a, where they cleared a small temple. More extensive and productive excavations were carried out at a temple – the so-called Haram Bilqis – near Marib, the ancient Sabean capital, by F.P. Albright for the American Foundation for the Study of Man in 1951-1952.

The origins of the Sabeans are shrouded in mystery, though new information is beginning to come to light. Genesis, the earliest known literary source, preserves tantalizing, though somewhat baffling, bits of information. In Gen. 10:7 (=I Chr. 1:9) Sheba, together with Seba, is listed as a descendant of Ham through Cush, and was therefore considered by the author to be related to west and northwest peoples. It is clear from this reference and from Ps. 72:10 that Seba and Sheba were not identical, though both names probably go back to South Arabic Saba. Since Seba is directly descended from Cush (Nubia), and since it is clearly associated with Nubia and Egypt in Isa. 43:3, it is probable that Seba was located in Africa. Furthermore, the similarity of the names Seba and Saba suggests that Seba was a Sabean colony. But according to Gen. 10:28 (=I Chr. 1:22), Sheba and several other South Arabian tribes are descended from Shem through the lineage Arpachshad, Shelah, Eber, and Joktan; here Sheba was believed to be closely related to north and northeast peoples. Moreover, Gen. 25:3 (=I Chr. 1:32) lists Sheba as a descendant of Jokshan, the son of Abraham by Keturah, making Sheba and Israel closely related. Taken together, these genealogical references indicate that the Israelites thought that the Sabeans were related to the peoples of the Fertile Crescent – including themselves – on the one hand, and to the peoples of Africa on the other. Such extensive relationships are not surprising, in view of the fact that the Sabeans were engaged in trade and commerce from early times.

For a number of years, scholars disputed the position of Saba in the chronological framework of South Arabian history. Some argued that Ma‘in, Qataban, and Hadhramaut chronologically preceded Saba, and that as late as the end of the eighth century B.C., Saba was a nomadic tribe centered in North Arabia. Others held that Saba preceded these states, which they dated as late as the fifth century B.C., and that it was located in South Arabia from early times. Excavations at Hajar Kohlan (ancient Timna‘, capital of Qataban) brought to light evidence which conclusively proved that the latter view was correct; Saba chronologically preceded the other South Arabian states.

A number of lines of evidence – linguistic and archaeological – suggest that South Arabia was settled by Semites who migrated southward from central or West Arabia in the middle centuries of the second millennium B.C. Whether the founders of Saba were among this group or were part of a later wave of migrants is as yet unknown. In any case, by ca. the twelfth century B.C., when travel across stretches of desert became possible as a result of the effective domestication of the camel, the Sabeans seem to have initiated caravan trade with the north. By the tenth century B.C., Saba was so well established that a queen could journey to Palestine – a distance of ca. fifteen hundred miles – with a richly laden caravan. Her visit to Solomon (I Kings 10:1-10, 13; II Chr. 9:1-9, 12) must have been concerned with trade, at least partly for the purpose of acquiring an agreement covering the distribution of incense and other commodities in the north that would be beneficial to both Saba and Israel. Presumably her mission was part of a general Sabean commercial expansion in this period, which may have included the colonization of Ethiopia to the west and the development of a trading hegemony over South and West Arabia.

From not later than the ninth to the middle of the fifth century B.C., Saba was governed by rulers who assumed the title mukarrib (MKRB), a word which probably means ‘priest (king).’ This situation is presumably similar to that which existed in Assyria before the fourteenth century B.C.; there the god was called ‘king,’ while his earthly agent – the actual king – was called shangu, or ‘priest.’ The known mukarribs of Saba, numbering over twenty, may be arranged in three groups on the basis of paleography and genealogy. The first group ruled from the ninth century to ca. 675 B.C. and included two rulers who are mentioned in Assyrian inscriptions; Yithi‘ ’amara (Assyrian spelling, Iti’amra) by Sargon II, and Karib’il (Assyrian spelling, Karibi’ilu) by Sennacherib. To this period belongs the construction of the southern tombs at Marib, though the builders are unknown. The rulers of the second group (ca. 675-525 B.C.) are known to have been extremely active in building. The first member of this group Yadi‘ ’il Dhirrih, son of Sumuhu‘alay built temples to the moon-god at Sirwah, Marib, and el-Mesajid. Two other mukarribs of this period, Sumuhu‘alay Yanaf and Yithi‘-’amara Bayyin, cut sluices through solid rock at the south end of the great dam at Marib. The third group ruled ca. 525-450 B.C., but little is known of their activities. Throughout the mukarrib period, Sabean art and architecture were strongly influenced by the cultures of Mesopotamia and Syro-Palestine.

Ca. 450 B.C., Karib’il Watar, the last mukarrib, assumed the title ‘king of Saba’; the change in title was probably a concession to the times, without any administrative meaning. Karib’il Watar was an exceedingly energetic ruler. He conquered the kingdom of Ausan in the south with the aid of Qataban and Hadhramaut, which were then vassal states, and captured the cities of Nejran to the north. He is also responsible for many constructions in Saba, as well as in the newly acquired territories. His successors carried out extensive building operations at Marib, including especially the completion of the oval wall and the construction of the entrance hall of the temple of the moon-god; they also extended the great dam at Marib. During the third and second centuries B.C., Saba became increasingly weak, while Qataban and Ma‘in emerged as the dominant South Arabian states. In 24 B.C., Augustus Caesar, seeking to share in the lucrative incense trade, dispatched Aelius Gallus on a campaign to conquer this area, according to Strabo. After a disastrous march during which many legionaries were lost, Aelius Gallus laid siege to Marib; however, Marib was spared when, six days later, he lifted the siege, because of lack of water, and returned northward.

Contact with the Greco-Roman world was made early in this period and increased greatly during the first century B.C. and the first century A.D. Objects of Hellenistic art were imported or were made locally from imported molds for wealthy Sabeans. Arretine (Italian sigillata) and other imported pottery has also been found at a number of South Arabian sites. Descriptions of South Arabia by a number of writers, including Theophrastus, Eratosthenes, Artemidorus, Diodorus Siculus, and Strabo, appeared during this period.

The period of the Kings of Saba and Dhu-Raidan began ca. the middle of the first century A.D. The early years were marked by a struggle for ascendancy and for possession of Qatabanian territory, then held by Hadhramaut. Saba emerged victorious from this struggle. In view of the prominence of tribal names in inscriptions of this period, it seems probable that a decentralization of power occurred in Saba at this time. There was some minor building during this period; especially repairs and additions to Awwam temple at Marib by Karib’il Watar Yuhan‘im, his son Halak’amar, and others. Increased contact with the Mediterranean world is reflected by the more accurate descriptions of the region by the author of the Perifilus of the Erythraean Sea, by Pliny the Elder, and by Claudius Ptolemy.

Ca. A.D. 325, King Shamar Yuhar‘ish adopted the title ‘King of Saba, Dhu-Raidan, Hadhramaut, and Yamanat,’ following his conquests throughout South Arabia. He is also responsible for the construction of the present northern sluices of the Marib dam. Following his reign, Saba and the western part of South Arabia were occupied by the Abyssinians for a generation or more (ca. 335-370); and during this period (341-346) Theophilus converted the Sabean ruler to Christianity, no doubt with the support of the Christian ruler of Abyssinia. Toward the end of the fourth century one of his sons, Abkarib As‘ad, conquered much of western and central Arabia – and assumed the title ‘King of Saba, and Dhu-Raidan, and Hadhramaut, and Yamanat, and their Arabs of the highlands and on the coastal plain.’ Legend holds that Abkarib As‘ad journeyed to Medinah, where he adopted Judaism and thereafter made it the state religion of Saba. In the early sixth century the Jewish king, Yusuf As’ar (Dhu-Nuwas), persecuted the Christians of Nejran, according to Syriac and Greek tradition. When word of this persecution spread, the Christian Abyssinians once again crossed the Red Sea, and in A.D. 525 killed Dhu-Nuwas and his followers. This Abyssinian occupation of Saba covered several decades, perhaps lasting until ca. 575. The last Sabean ruler, the Abyssinian viceroy Abraha, made extensive repairs to the Marib dam and undertook an unsuccessful campaign against Mecca, the center of paganism. The Persian occupation of Saba began ca. 575 and continued until 628, when Saba surrendered to the forces of Islam. [underlining mine]

Bibliography. H. St. J.B. Philby, The Background of Islam (1947), chs. 17-21 (earlier chapters are mostly obsolete). W.F. Albright, ‘The Chronology of Ancient South Arabia in the Light of the First Campaign of Excavation in Qataban,’ BASOR, 119 (1950), 5-15. J. Ryckmans, L’institution monarchique en Arabie Meridionale avant l’Islam (Ma‘in et Saba; 1951). W.F. Albright, ‘The Chaldaean Inscriptions in Proto-Arabic Script,’ BASOR, 128 (1952), especially 44-45. G.W. Van Beek, ‘Recovering the Ancient Civilization of Arabia,’ BA, 15 (1952), especially 2-6. W.F. Albright, review of J. Ryckmans, L’institution monarchique en Arabie Meridionale avant l’Islam, FAOS, 73 (1953), 36-40. W. Phillips, Qataban and Sheba (1955): a popular account of the first American excavations in South Arabia. B. Segall, ‘The Sculpture of Arabia Felix: The Hellenistic Period,’ AFA, 59 (1955), 207-214; ‘Problems of Copy and Adaptation in the Second Quarter of the First Millennium B.C., AFA, 60 (1956), 165-70. W.F. Albright, ‘A Note on Early Sabean Chronology,’ BASOR, 143 (1956), 9-10. F.P. Albright, R. LeB. Bowen, et al., Archaeological Discoveries in South Arabia (1958): contains an excellent study of the history and operation of the Marib dam, and a description of the temple of the moon god (the Haram Bilqis) at Marib, based on excavations. G.W. Van Beek, ‘Frankincense and Myrrh in Ancient South Arabia,’ FAOS (1958); ‘South Arabian History and Archaeology,’ The Biblical World (studies presented to W.F. Albright): a summary of progress made in South Arabian studies in the past thirty years or so .... G.W. Van Beek

From The Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible article here, it is becoming clear that the Sabeans had a varied and entangled history. Especially interesting is the conversion, of at least part of them, to Judaism in the forth century, but long after the queen of Sheba. Therefore, we should not be surprised that bad-fig-jewish history speaks of the same conversion. From the History Of The Jews by Heinrich Graetz vol. 3, pages 60-62 (though they are not Israelites) reads:

Happily, the Arabian Jews bethought them of the genealogy of the Arabs as set forth in the first book of the Pentateuch, and seized upon it as the instrument by which to prove their kinship with them. The Jews were convinced that they were related to the Arabs on two sides, through Yoktan and through Ishmael. Under their instruction, therefore, the two principal Arabian tribes traced back the line of ancestors to these two progenitors, the real Arabs (the Himyarites) supposing themselves to be the descendants from Yoktan; the pseudo-Arabs in the north, on the other hand, deriving their origin from Ishmael. These points of contact granted, the Jews had ample opportunity to multiply the proofs of their relationship. The Arabs loved genealogical tables, and were delighted to be able to follow their descent and history so far into hoary antiquity; accordingly, all this appeared to them both evident and flattering. They consequently exerted themselves to bring their genealogical records and traditions into unison with the Biblical accounts. Although their traditions extended over less than six centuries on the one side to their progenitor Yarob and his sons or grandsons Himyar and Kachtan, and on the other, to Adnan, yet in their utter disregard of historical accuracy, this fact constituted no obstacle. Without a scruple, the southern Arabians called themselves Kachtanites, and the northern Arabians Ishmaelites. They readily accorded the Jews the rights of relationship, that is to say, equality and all the advantages attending it.

The Arabs were thus in intimate intercourse with the Jews, and the sons of the desert whose unpoetical mythology afforded them no matter for inspiration, derived much instruction from Judaism. Under these circumstances many Arabs could not fail to develop peculiar affection for Judaism, and some embraced this religion, though their conversion had not been thought of by the Jews. As they had practiced circumcision while heathen, their conversion to Judaism was particularly easy. The members of a family among the Arabs were indissolubly bound to one another, and, according to their phylarchic constitution, the individuals identified themselves with the tribe. This brought about, that when a chieftain became a Jew, his whole clan at once followed him, the wisest, into the fold of Judaism. It is expressly recorded about several Arabian tribes that they were converted to Judaism; such were the Benu-Kinanah, a warlike, quarrelsome clan, related to the most respected Koraishites of Mecca, and several other families of the tribes Aus and Chazaraj in Yathrib.

Especially memorable, however, in the history of the Arabs is the conversion of the powerful king of Yemen. The princes or kings of Yemen bore the name of Tobba, and at times ruled over the whole of Arabia; they traced their historical origin back to Himyar, their legendary origin to Kachtan ...”

Now, Nord Davis’ 64-page booklet Desert Shield has a lot of truth in it, so if you still have a copy, don’t throw it away. My only objective here is to tactfully point out some of his error, and surely, at one time, I had more than my own share of error.

To show the reader the influence upon the peninsula of Arabia (including some of the Sabeans), I will again cite History Of The Jews by Heinrich Graetz vol. 3, page 71:

Judaism not only won over to its side many tribes in Arabia, and taught the sons of the desert certain indispensable arts, but it also inspired the founder of a religion, who played an important part in the great drama of the world’s history, and whose influence survives to this day. Mahomet, the prophet of Mecca and Yathrib, was, it is true, not a loyal son of Judaism, but he appreciated its highest aims, and was induced by it to give to the world a new faith, known as Islam, founded on a lofty basis. This religion has exercised a wonderful influence on the course of Jewish history and on the evolution of Judaism ....” In the next paper on this subject I will cite more from Davis’ Desert Shield.